Search: extraterritorial sanctions

...of the States in those countries where they apply? As a global company, we have binding legal obligations in the countries where we’re incorporated. That’s part of the fundamental reality of the internet – it’s a reality that, by and large, has served human rights well–although it’s a reality that’s also under great stress. For example, one particularly difficult example is our obligation, as a U.S. company, to comply with U.S. sanctions regulations (which vary by circumstance) in all the jurisdictions where we operate. Sanctions regulations applicable to Facebook, include...

...for additional information regarding the Fall 2021 Lecture Series or other initiatives of the Society, kindly visit our website. You can also follow and engage with us on LinkedIn, Twitter and Instagram! Call for Papers Call for Papers: “Sanctions and Africa: An International Law and Politics Conference”: Coventry University, The Graduate Institute Geneva, and University of Pretoria are pleased to announce a conference on “Sanctions and Africa: An International Law and Politics Conference” on 9-10 December 2021. The aim of the conference is to investigate and reimagine Africa as an...

...in the African state. Meanwhile, the EU has pledged to organize an international donor conference in mid-May to help with Mali’s reconstruction. The EU has eased sanctions on Zimbabwe and pledged to lift sanctions on a state-owned diamond company once fair elections have been held. North Korea on the other hand has to face increased sanctions from the EU, going beyond those already imposed by the UN Security Council. The EU has decided not to lift the arms embargo on Syria, but will increase direct support to the rebels. Meanwhile,...

...mostly be traced to Europe. Thus the very universality from which the UN draws its legitimacy is in some crucial respects more token than real. If Kosovo was an illegal and yet legitimate intervention, the reverse is true of many sanctions regimes. The Security Council is legally competent to impose sanctions. But as these sanctions became discredited for their harsh humanitarian consequences, instead of the UN legitimizing sanctions, the latter erode the UN’s legitimacy. With respect to the use of international force to avert or halt atrocity crimes inside states,...

...Council Sanctions Committee, including a determination as to whether the reasons for sanctions listings by the Council were well founded in fact. I argue that the assumption of such authority by courts to review decisions sourced in international institutions could be regarded as a move as revolutionary as Marbury v Madison and equivalent kairotic moments across domestic jurisdictions. It is not a move that should be made without significant thought being given to the legitimizing foundations of judicial authority in this context. When domestic and regional courts engage in such...

...principled deviation from peacetime standards. A final reflection on the scope of jus post bellum comes from a related body of work I am engaged in on UN sanctions. In assessing the Security Council’s peacebuilding activities through the guise of sanctions, I have been struck by the extent to which the Security Council is an important player in the jus post bellum field. Although the Council’s actions are discretionary, sometimes inconsistent, and are not applied in a regular way to like-cases, the Council has, nonetheless, been involved in some way,...

...in the CITES Handbook as doing (Bodansky 2010). They may bring disputes before international tribunals in an effort to develop a jurisprudence on a relevant issue. Treaties do still constrain states, contestation notwithstanding. Some actions are so far beyond what any state would consider compliant that sanctions (at least of the reputational variety) are predictable enough to provide a deterrent. Moreover, as states’ expectations as to what constitutes compliance coalesce around particular understandings, the instrumental sanctions that von Stein describes (pp. 479-483) will likely become relatively more effective at generating...

...and vague on modalities. In parallel, the UK‑France‑Germany trio (the E3) have triggered the UN “snapback” process to restore sanctions, with signals they could pause it if Iran restores full inspection access and re‑engages in U.S. nuclear talks. Meanwhile, Washington now characterizes the U.S. strikes as having degraded Iran’s capacity but likely only for “months,” even as it publicly presses for complete dismantlement of enrichment and reprocessing in Iran. Regionally, Iran’s retaliatory missile launch toward the U.S. Al Udeid base in Qatar (intercepted with no casualities) underscored the ease with...

...the largest burned areas had been punished through serious sanctions. The report stated that, ‘the Government of Indonesia claims to be serious about enforcing the law around forest fires, holding companies to account for fires on their land and deterring future fires. But this intention is not being implemented through a consistent and escalating use of serious civil/administrative sanctions against the offending companies.’ Prosecutors tending to push for lower charges is a further problem.What is more, even when serious sanctions are imposed by courts, there is weak enforcement. Greenpeace further...

...for example the procurement of DPRK-origin coal, or its STS transfer. Without domestic implementation, Setyamoko was able to successfully request the return of the illicit coal aboard the M/V Wise Honest (Case No. 682/Pid.B/2018/PN.BPP) and obtain authorisation to re-export the coal in breach, once again, of UNSC Resolutions and Indonesia’s obligations (below). As summarised by the Sanctions Committee: “The decision by the District Court to release the illicit coal and approve its re-export by the same broker who had facilitated the illegal transaction once again demonstrates the clear need for...

...the top, helping persecuted Belarusians, and ready to hold responsible those who violate human rights. The President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, said that the EU will ‘reprogram money away from the authorities and towards civil society and vulnerable groups’, as well as EU States unanimously supporting sanctions on the Belarusian authorities. Thus, violations of human rights in Belarus should meet a proportional reaction from the international community, in the form of sanctions, or help for the victims of persecution. Right to self-determination Secondly, according to the...

...by the reviewer. Characterizing Murphy’s analysis of the evolution from blanket to smart sanctions as brilliant, Popovski fully agrees with the author’s conclusions and provides another argument in addition to his earlier proposal on the veto power elimination: the Security Council, liberated from veto, should impose mandatory sanctions upon states violators of international peace, security and human rights, to be implemented by the entire world, and to be robustly enforced by them. Again, this argument strikes us as a very logical and clear proposal, albeit implementing it in reality –...