Search: extraterritorial sanctions

The U.S. government announced a tough new set of economic sanctions on North Korea today, banning luxury goods believed to be favored by Kim Il Jung and his personal supporters. According to the AP, the banned goods include: “ipods, cognac, Rolex watches, cigarettes, artwork, expensive cars, Harley Davidson motorcycles or even personal watercraft, such as Jet Skis.” These new sanctions are actually imposed pursuant to a particular provision in the October U.N. Security Council Resolution authorizing new sanctions after North Korea’s nuclear test. In theory, these sanctions are aimed at...

...criminal charges in what way might these donations be considered a breach of directors’ duties? Likewise, consider potential prosecution for breaches of sanctions on Myanmar. At the time of the February 2021 coup, Australia, Canada, the European Union, the United States, and the United Kingdom all had pre-existing sanctions related to the 2017 atrocities against the Rohingya. While these sanctions clearly didn’t prevent the coup, policing and prosecuting sanction breaches can give sanctions proper ‘teeth’. Such breaches are strict liability offences the US and Australia. What entities might be further...

...Evidence of our acceptance is the legal sanction. The community sanctions violations of law with coercive measures—unlike the way communities deal with social or moral violations. International law has and always had sanctions for law violation, which provide evidence of what the international community understands to be law. The Power and Purpose of International Law takes on this central myth about international law today: that it is not really law because it has no means of enforcement. The three chapters of Part I present the very real enforcement means of...

...of legitimacy and power are crucial: not as an ideal concept, not as a strict and defined notion, but rather, as the thermometer of how States consider their status, obligations and capacities in international law and their willingness to work alongside international organisations, especially in order to address security issues. This post examines State sovereignty in the context of post-9/11 counterterrorism and focuses both on the ability of international organisations to adopt and enforce counterterrorism measures and on the practical example of terrorist asset freezing sanctions. Terrorism challenges the sovereignty...

...fuel supply and identify the responsible agencies and working groups. An app titled “Women, Peace & Security Handbook” provides a compendium of resolutions that address issues relevant to women, peace and security on topics such as: sexual exploitation, displacement, and participation. This app serves as a mini-handbook, providing up to date information on thematic trends within Security Council resolutions. A movement is now afoot to develop a new Sanctions App that would provide information to practitioners on the design of UN sanctions. According to preliminary materials distribution by the Swiss...

...likely continue to dominate HRDD. As explained below, a company’s reliance on the monitoring and reporting of such schemes might provide a shield to liability. Articles 15-19: Supervisory Authority These five articles together establish the oversight mechanisms that member states should establish to ensure that companies comply with their HRDD obligations. This includes a (fairly vague) process whereby individuals or organizations can come forward with substantiated concerns (Art 18). It also provides that member states can impose administrative sanctions for breach of the directive (Art 19). While these elements are...

...bothered to act upon these warnings. After the first wave of violence, the U.S. Government went so far as to lift a longstanding U.S. investment ban on Myanmar and, not long after that, lifted an import ban on Myanmar goods. Those sanctions, if left in place at the time, would not have been a silver bullet. No one believed then or now that the sanctions alone could have averted the disaster. Instead, the concern about the premature lifting of the sanctions at the time was the abysmal timing and the...

..."perfect" complementarity in a state's legal obligations anywhere in the world escapes me. The complementarity of IHRL, particularly the ICCPR, in extraterritorial or transnational NIAC is not at all clear, and imperfect at best. By its terms, the ICCPR applies within the territory and jurisdicition of signatory states, not to extraterritorial matters. Even if we impose a functional definition of "jurisdiction" upon and exclude "territory" from the ICCPR, a competely atextual approach, it can't possibly cover all aspects of extraterritorial NIAC. There is an assumption being made (or teleological interpretation)...

Elena Kouvabina Many commenters opined that the Dodd-Frank bill will particially reverse the Supreme Court's Morrison decision with respect to the SEC extraterritorial jurisdiction. The bill's provision in question, however, talks about expanding the jurisdiction of federal courts to hear actions brought by the SEC with extraterritorial elements. In Morrison, Justice Scalia stated that the issue of extraterritorial reach of U.S. securities laws is not jurisdictional but substantive. Several other scholars noted the same. To give the SEC the power to try actions with extraterritorial elements under Section 10(b), Section...

...those who are not plausibly part of an ongoing armed conflict - there seems to be no mention of the applicability of human rights law or principles as constraints on the use of force. U.S. views on the extraterritorial application of HR law aside, that's a very serious and profound mistake with regards to what law applies. While the law of war conduct of hostilities rules may apply as baseline constraints to any use of force, it doesn't follow that compliance with these rules is all that's required (beyond meeting...

...Breyer argued in his concurrence in Kiobel) that the extraterritorial reach of the Alien Tort Statute can be limited by other jurisdictional restrictions. I agree. Despite the obvious clash of approaches between the Roberts majority and the Breyer minority in Kiobel, they do have an important common ground – an intention to limit extraterritorial jurisdiction through a stricter application of the traditional bases of jurisdiction. The DaimlerChrysler case gives Justice Breyer an opportunity to put sharper teeth, if that’s his inclination, into the third alternative test for finding jurisdiction that...

...to veto by, in this case, Russia. Even if sanctions are imposed, will the UN be able to keep them in place? As the oil-for-food scandal makes clear, sanctions create a powerful moral hazard by raising the price of goods and creating the opportunity for huge profits, encouraging defection and cheating. Regardless of whether you agree with the logic of the invasion of Iraq, there is an important lesson there that is relevant to the problem of Iran. If the UN is unwilling or incapable of enforcing its own rules...