Search: extraterritorial sanctions

...to the cyberspace domain. For years, Russia has injected ambiguity into the legal analyses of other nations. This ambiguity has caused delay or failure by victims to respond for fear that any use of force in self-defense or as a countermeasure might itself be viewed as a violation of international law. As a result – despite sanctions, indictments, and public attribution for numerous intrusions – Russia’s malicious cyber activities have continued unabated. Russia has been able to freely execute its brand of hybrid warfare because the international community failed to...

...be affected. For example, the US does not recognise the Taliban partly to keep them from accessing assets by the Afghan Central Bank held by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York (though the surrounding circumstances are more complex). But this goal could be achieved without recourse to the (de-)recognition of governments. While the law on (third-party) countermeasures and unilateral sanctions is deeply contested, the practice by many Western states to freeze Russian central bank assets at least shows that these states consider such a freeze legally possible without de-recognising...

...“unsigning” the Rome Statute, and subsequently placing sanctions on the court which were only recently lifted , the US has blatantly shown derision for the court. US pressure on the Court may have contributed to the prosecutor’s decision to deprioritise aspects of the Afghanistan situation dealing with crimes under international law committed by US forces in Afghanistan, though the prosecutor cited its limited resources as the primary reason for that decision. This comes against the background of the outright refusal by the US to hold its citizens to account for...

...does it mean to pursue justice for racial or gender harm, when the harm in question is consistent, structural and embedded in the ordinary operation of a state or a post-conflict society, instead of confining to a discrete, identifiable atrocity with a clear beginning and end? Finally, C. William Vardy closes this section of the book by navigating the vocabulary of ‘transitional justice’ as a framework for truth-telling, identifying violations, sanctions, and symbolic reparations that can be adapted for adoption by governments. This comparative chapter primarily bases its arguments on...

...the first genuine human rights initiatives within the General Assembly were taken. The States of the Global South were focussed on the issue of racial discrimination, something the Western countries constantly pushed to the periphery of human rights. The South pushed human rights within the United Nations to take action, to impose sanctions on racist regimes, to develop potent instruments like the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. In the field of international criminal law, while the Western States resisted any movement, the States of...

...of state sovereignty and resource efficiency. Consequently, instead of initiating protracted and costly criminal proceedings under Section 12, the state defaulted to Section 13, issuing administrative deportation orders and temporary custody mandates to expedite removal. The penal sanctions of Section 12 are thus reserved as an exceptional measure, applied almost exclusively to repeat offenders or cases involving compounded domestic crimes.  Still, the legal fiction of illegal entry is a crime malum prohibitum. According to Penal Law 5737-1977 of Israel, section 31 criminalises any individual who contributes in any manner to...

...law and does not reflect the power asymmetries of the international sphere.  This is evident in the current crisis, where arrest warrants against Russian President Vladimir Putin and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, remain contingent on the political will of states for their enforcement, even leading to the imposition of sanctions on the ICC by the U.S. Additionally, the adoption of U.S. 2025 National Security Strategy, in which it explicitly asserts that it will enforce what it terms a “Trump Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine, reveals the power asymmetries of...

...audio podcast on Apple, SoundCloud. Call for Submissions Symposium – Crisis as Catalyst: In honor of International Law Weekend 2025’s theme of ‘Crisis as Catalyst,’ ABILA is hosting its next blogging symposium with the International Humanitarian Law Committee. Crisis as Catalyst in International Humanitarian Law lends itself to many blog themes. These may include, but are not limited to: International Criminal Court sanctions Enforcement of Leahy Laws and the “ensure respect” obligation of the Geneva Conventions Challenges to the implementation of principles of distinction and proportionality in modern warfare Enhancing...

...in the midst of a genocide live-streamed since October 2023. The UNGA did call on member states to implement economic sanctions against Israel, including the halt of arms transfers. However, while demanding clearly that Israel end the occupation of OPT, the UNGA gave Israel twelve months to comply – an unacceptably lengthy period of  time given the ongoing violence perpetrated by Israel throughout the OPT.  In the following essay, it is submitted that it is high time for the international community to pursue the expulsion of Israel from the UN....

...form a legally mandated and enforced system that erases them from public life and society, and deprives them of their fundamental rights, including to education, employment, healthcare, religion, and free movement and expression. Women are prohibited by law from speaking or showing their faces outside their homes–and must not even be visible through windows in their homes. Despite widespread condemnation, the Taliban continue to deepen and formalize their discriminatory system–without accountability.  Most recently, in January 2026, the Taliban promulgated the Criminal Procedure Code for Courts, which entrenches gender-based discrimination, sanctions...

[Maud Sarliève and Dr Pauline Martini are associate research fellows at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London] On 4 December 2025, the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) of the International Criminal Court (ICC) launched its groundbreaking Policy on Addressing Environmental Damage under the Rome Statute: severe environmental harm can now be prosecuted as an international crime. This document represents a significant development in international criminal law (ICL), clarifying that environmental destruction may lead to criminal accountability for individuals, and not to merely regulatory sanctions or civil liability. For...

...lack of cooperation in obtaining it – is a telling example. And yet, what seems different today is the sense that the issue is gaining momentum. In recent years, arrest warrants have increasingly targeted sitting Heads of State while conflicts are still ongoing. Quite apart from whether these warrants ultimately lead to arrests, their very issuance already carries consequences: constraining travel, serving as instruments of diplomatic pressure, and provoking rather strong political reactions, vividly illustrated by U.S. sanctions imposed on the ICC explicitly for authorizing the issuance of an arrest...