Do International Criminal Tribunals Deter or Exacerbate Humanitarian Atrocities?

Do International Criminal Tribunals Deter or Exacerbate Humanitarian Atrocities?

Professor Jide Nzelibe of Northwestern Law School and I have recently posted an article examining the effects of international criminal tribunals on the individuals most likely to be subject to prosecution. We argue that existing scholarship on international criminal tribunals has generally failed to offer a plausible theory of how such tribunals will deter humanitarian atrocities or any empirical evidence that they will do so. Our own study suggest not only that ICTs are not likely to deter serious humanitiarian atrocities, but also that such tribunals could, in some circumstances, actually make such atrocities more likely.

The article is entitled, “Do International Criminal Tribunals Deter or Exacerbate Humanitarian Atrocities?” and will be published in Volume 84 of the Washington University Law Review. The abstract follows:

Contemporary justifications of international criminal tribunals (ICTs), especially the permanent International Criminal Court, often stress the role of such tribunals in deterring future humanitarian atrocities. But hardly any academic commentary has attempted to explore in-depth this deterrence rationale. This essay utilizes economic models of deterrence to analyze whether a potential perpetrator of humanitarian atrocities would likely be deterred by the risk of future prosecution by an ICT. According to the economic theory of deterrence, two factors – certainty and severity of punishment – are central to the reduction of crime after taking into account a particular individual’s preference for risk. In the context of a possible ICT prosecution, isolating the pool of individuals likely to commit humanitarian atrocities is difficult but not insurmountable. Given that international tribunals are not likely to have independent police powers in the foreseeable future, the actors most likely to face prosecution are individuals in weak states who have failed politically. In other words, the likely pool will be composed of individuals in weak states who have been forced from political power by local or foreign forces. Examining evidence concerning the fate of failed coup plotters and dictators in Africa – a group that represents a pool of likely perpetrators of atrocities – we show that the probability that this pool of individuals will be subject to a range of other legal and extra-legal sanctions is quite high. Moreover, the severity of the sanctions these individuals are likely to face – death, life imprisonment, and torture – is also likely to be higher than those imposed by an ICT. Thus, prosecution by an ICT will often serve as a weaker substitute, rather than a complement, to pre-existing sanctions. In one situation, however, the threat of ICT prosecution is likely to complement other possible sanctions and serve as a deterrent – where the perpetrator is unlikely to be subject to other sanctions because he is considered to be politically indispensable. But in such circumstances, the ex ante benefits of deterrence from ICT prosecution will likely be outweighed by the ex post harms of prosecuting a spoiler – an individual whose prosecution is likely to generate local political instability. In other words, the prospect of prosecution by an ICT may sometimes exacerbate the risks of humanitarian atrocities. Finally, prosecution by an ICT may also exacerbate conflicts though a political opportunism effect in which local politicians will have an incentive to free-ride off ICT efforts and turn a blind eye to the kinds of institutional reforms that are more likely to prevent future atrocities.

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Marko Milanovic
Marko Milanovic

Julian, even though I find your paper quite interesting, I still think that your analysis is not convincing in several respects. First of all, I disagree with your point that international crimes and criminal prosecutions happen only in ‘weak or failed’ states. Rwanda was not a failed state. On the contrary, the structures of the state were functioning pretty well – it is just that they had a genocidal task to do. Likewise, a culture of impunity is not confined only to these states – take for example the very limited number (and quality) of prosecutions for crimes in the Algerian war by the French, or for the crimes in Vietnam by the US. I found it a bit strange that, on p. 19 of your paper, you use Serbia as an example which debunks the notions of a culture of impunity. That is precisely what has existed in Serbia during the Milosevic regime, and the only reason you have prosecutions of low to mid-level perpetrators in Serbia now is because of the fall of Milosevic, because of the intense pressure of the international community which Serbia seeks to join, and yes, because of the ICTY. That there was (or… Read more »