Search: crossing lines

[Akila Radhakrishnan (@akilaGJC) is the President of the Global Justice Center, where she directs GJC’s work to establish legal precedents protecting human rights and ensuring gender equality.] This August marks not only the 3rd anniversary of the start of the Rohingya genocide, but also the 6th anniversary of the start of the Yazidi genocide. Beyond starting in the same month, these two genocides share some key features, not the least of which is that both were conducted along highly gendered lines. In the two we see some similar patterns in...

...the problem of chemical weapons. Of course, these are not the only possible responses to Syria, but they have been the main ones on the table. Turning to international monitoring, possibly through the OPCW, could lead to a real prevention of the future use of chemical weapons by the Syrian regime, avoid a Russian veto, and get the U.S. out the corner it painted itself into with a bunch of red lines. But I only say “could,” not “will.” The actual proposal needs to be seen. And, related to this,...

...are unlawful, or that they require judicial oversight, or something else, then you won’t be much moved. Seen within the framework of US law and oversight of overseas use of force operations, however, this is an important step. A couple of observations; see Bobby’s post for a detailed discussion. First, this legislation is with respect to operations conducted by the US military; it does not cover CIA activities. Second, it covers US military operations with respect to the lines of oversight running back to the Armed Services committees; it does...

...demarcation lines’ are usually in ‘international relations’ and therefore fall within the scope of the article 2(4) (p. 100). In various UN documents relating to situations in the Middle East, the Green Line has been considered to be an ‘International demarcation line’ which, according to Erin Pobjie, indicates the contextual element of ‘international relations’ which is required for falling within the scope of article 2(4) of the UN Charter. In the 2024 Palestine Advisory Opinion, the ICJ referred to relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions (paras 176-177), and these resolutions,...

...British homes. As a Peruvian currently living in the UK, this choice felt personal, and compelled me to write these lines. After all, while Paddington himself may be Peruvian, his story is most certainly not. It was written and created by a British man and meant to be read and discussed by British people. In fact, outside the tourism industry and those educated in the country’s elite British schools, very few Peruvians actually know who Paddington is. This is no wonder. Paddington’s “Peruvianness” plays no real role in developing the...

...more like “Islamo-Bolshevists,” committed to revolution and a reordering of the world along anti-capitalist lines. Like the Bolsheviks in 1914, these Islamist extremists are part of an underground sect, struggling to land more than the occasional big punch on the enemy. But what if they were to get control of a wealthy state, the way Lenin, Trotsky, and company did in 1917? How would the world look if there were an October Revolution in Saudi Arabia? True, some recent survey data suggest that ordinary Saudis are relatively moderate people by...

...but I think this remains a bit of a pipe dream for now, especially as the threat of deeper E.U. integration recedes. The three countries have currently eschewed steps toward a more formal union and have instead settled on a “Security and Prosperity Partnership ” that simply pushes inter-agency cooperation along a number of lines: public health, intellectual property, regulatory streamlining. While this and future initiatives might be the first step toward a “North American Union”, the fuzzy non-binding aspect of the SPP might also signal that integration has reached...

...according to the appropriate filing guidelines. Regular meetings and check-ins continued until late December. Technical meetings addressing specific issues including the application of a gender competent analysis; the incorporation of intersectional considerations pertaining to race, gender and age through Article 21(3); the collective communication strategy; and moot court sessions in preparation for the oral hearings were held. Feminist strategizing and exchange was not confined to the aforementioned four groups and certainly did not stop once the written submissions had been finalized. For example, supportive alliances were built between groups that...

...the CIA with the necessary authority. Perhaps there is another source, such as Title 50 of the US Code, as my co-blogger Deb Pearlstein has suggested. Indeed, the redaction on page 16 of the new White Paper may well refer to that other source of authority, given that five or six lines of redacted text follow this statement: Thus, just as Congress would not have intended section 1119 to bar a military attack on the sort of individual described above, neither would it have intended the provision to prohibit an...

...much more than fairness in the application of the law, separation of powers, and participation in decision-making; it is tied to a liberal political identity (p. 225). Such an understanding of the rule of law provides a path to rethink the boundaries of society, its membership, and the constitutional makeup of the state, and thus shed light on liberal citizenship rights. Teitel also offered a way to reconstruct the collective across potentially divisive racial, ethnic, and religious lines, a means grounded in a political identity arising from society’s particular legacies...

...lines between those who are “in” and those who are “out” of direct targeting. III I should now take up Gaby’s article directly, but unfortunately I am in an airport and don’t have it available. So instead I will simply add a comment as to my own view on this, with apologies to Gaby. And very briefly – boarding beginning. I believe that we have to distinguish between conventional, overt warfare, particularly between states but not limited to it – e.g., the counterinsurgency campaigns in Iraq and AfPak, on the...

...authorities have systematically blocked or severely restricted the entry of humanitarian relief into Gaza, drawing international condemnation. In response to this criticism, Israel introduced a militarized “aid mechanism,” under which GHF began operations in May 2025. Preliminary reports on GHF’s operations reveal disorganized, opaque aid distributions, potentially even defined as war crimes, confirming long-standing concerns about the privatization and politicization of humanitarian assistance as it was highlighted in the WGM’s 2021 report. These developments are yet another striking example of blurring the lines between military and humanitarian actors, eroding trust,...