Search: crossing lines

Notwithstanding its recent efforts to avoid recess appointments with 12 second sessions, the Senate will return in full next Monday. For international lawyers, the big question is whether UNCLOS finally gets a vote for the Senate’s advice and consent. As I noted here and here, the SFRC voted UNCLOS out of Committee last fall largely along party lines. But it’s been all quiet since. Indeed, I’ve heard from a couple of sources that the window for Senate A&C to accession is closing, if not closed. What I don’t know is...

...settlement mechanisms, a number of Latin American and Caribbean countries have been thrust into the unenviable position of having to compensate investors to the tune of millions—much more than investors have injected into local economies. Argentina Argentina is one of the Latin American and Caribbean countries which has had to face the bitter truth that FDI is not as economically virtuous as touted by neoliberal proponents of this regime. In 1989, Argentina pursued an economic liberalisation programme in order to restructure its economy along the lines of the Washington Consensus...

...would also facilitate prosecution as a practical evidentiary matter. Needless to say, the conflict has exacerbated Rakhine-Bamar ethnic tensions and further undermine stability in the region (with respect to the Rohingya, tensions are dispersed along ethnic (Rohingya-Rakhine-Bamar) and religious (Muslim-Buddhist) lines). In the lead-up to the national elections on November 8, a Rohingya Muslim politician was not allowed to contest based on citizenship grounds. These developments weaken prospects for voluntary repatriation of the Rohingya. The saga of violence, persecution, and impunity also make it unlikely for the Rohingya to find...

...it’s 26 out of the 36 schools (those listed above, plus Berkeley, BYU, Cardozo, Hofstra, Minnesota, Penn State, Pitt, and Wake Forest). I’ve provided more detailed data at the end of the post. Comments, clarifications and, of course, corrections would be most welcome. But before we get there, here’s my question for international law professors out there — does this data accurately reflect the timelines facing those who specialize in our field? As collected, we asked for general information about timelines, and what is possible in terms of how quickly...

They’re both participants in the reconquista, illegal immigrants as the foot soldiers and now a vodka purveyor as its cartographer. Entertaining little dust-up over this ad from Absolut, depicting (very roughly) Mexico along the lines of its early 19th century boundaries. The ad was targeted at Mexican consumers, “based upon historical perspectives and … created with a Mexican sensibility,” according to the company’s blog. Did the folks at Absolut really think someone in El Norte wouldn’t get wind of it? The ad predictably played into “Aztlan” conspiracy theories. The company...

...the UN in implementing Resolution 181(II)”, insinuating that Israel was the successor state to the Mandate or was born as a result of the UN’s plan. Israel’s Declaration of Independence led to war with its Arab neighbours and the ultimate signing of an Armistice known as the “Green Line”. According to the Opinion, this agreement did not “prejudice the rights, claims and positions of either Party hereto in the ultimate peaceful settlement of the Palestine question” and was “without prejudice to future territorial settlements or boundary lines or to claims...

...around for a monarch to head his fictional kingdom, “King Boleslav” was the obvious choice. It was a harmonious relationship at first. Bolek allowed his signature to appear in the passports, and presided over royal events organised by Tomas, including a lavish coronation ceremony in the town of Vsetin in 2000. Soon afterwards, however, the relationship began to sour, and – listening to Tomas tell the story – the lines between fact and fiction once again become blurred. “The moment when King Boleslav became king, he started confusing this fiction...

...focus on the Arab/MENA region. Papers need not be exclusively legal—the journal has long been interdisciplinary in its focus, and welcomes contributions from sociological, political science, economics, and anthropological perspectives as well. Submissions are due by 31 July 2019. All papers will be peer-reviewed and must adhere to the Arab Law Quarterly author guidelines. For inquiries about submissions, please contact Professor M. Kabir Hassan at mhassan [at] uno [dot] edu. For additional information, see here. Announcements The American Branch of the International Law Association (ABILA) is pleased to announce that...

...and rescue service, as found in three Maritime Conventions. Rescue must be provided ‘regardless of the nationality or status’ of the person in distress or the ‘circumstances in which that person is found’. The intent of these treaties is to create a system to rescue all vessels in distress (para. 61)». Along the same lines, in its General Comment No. 36 on the right to life, the Human Rights Committee (HRC) held that «in light of article 2 (1) of the Covenant, a State party has an obligation to respect...

...the CIA with the necessary authority. Perhaps there is another source, such as Title 50 of the US Code, as my co-blogger Deb Pearlstein has suggested. Indeed, the redaction on page 16 of the new White Paper may well refer to that other source of authority, given that five or six lines of redacted text follow this statement: Thus, just as Congress would not have intended section 1119 to bar a military attack on the sort of individual described above, neither would it have intended the provision to prohibit an...

...lines between those who are “in” and those who are “out” of direct targeting. III I should now take up Gaby’s article directly, but unfortunately I am in an airport and don’t have it available. So instead I will simply add a comment as to my own view on this, with apologies to Gaby. And very briefly – boarding beginning. I believe that we have to distinguish between conventional, overt warfare, particularly between states but not limited to it – e.g., the counterinsurgency campaigns in Iraq and AfPak, on the...

...authorities have systematically blocked or severely restricted the entry of humanitarian relief into Gaza, drawing international condemnation. In response to this criticism, Israel introduced a militarized “aid mechanism,” under which GHF began operations in May 2025. Preliminary reports on GHF’s operations reveal disorganized, opaque aid distributions, potentially even defined as war crimes, confirming long-standing concerns about the privatization and politicization of humanitarian assistance as it was highlighted in the WGM’s 2021 report. These developments are yet another striking example of blurring the lines between military and humanitarian actors, eroding trust,...