Search: Syria Insta-Symposium

...principles of the UN Charter and escape international accountability and sanctions through using the veto, very little can be done for peace and security. Some of the P-5 not only disintegrated from “guardians of peace” to the worst aggressors, but also protected friendly countries from accountability for genocidal policies (Myanmar), war crimes (Yemen, Gaza) and crimes against humanity (Sudan, Syria). With this in mind, I would go further than Bakircioglu and explicitly demand elimination of the veto, ideally through Art. 109 Review Conference of the UN Charter. Nothing less would...

fighters to date merely acknowledge the individual suffering of single victims in specific instances. The JCE doctrine can be a means of acknowledging the suffering of larger victim groups. Incorporating JCE into an international tribunal or domestic legislation, would therefore also serve the interests of transitional justice for Syrians. Applying the doctrine of JCE to the genocide against the Yazidis would provide a new avenue and encouragement for charging ISIS members with counts of genocide and eventually hold all responsible individuals accountable. Most importantly, the charging of individual members of...

...The first of these, however, was not constituted through a Resolution of the League’s Council, like Palestine. Instead, it was constituted through an international treaty, between the UK and the “State of Irak”. Mandatory Iraq, in fact, had a King, Faisal I, and Article 1 of the Treaty of Alliance his government signed with the British was signed “without prejudice to her national sovereignty”. Similarly, the Mandate for Syria and Lebanon established that “[t]he Mandatory shall further enact measures to facilitate the progressive development of Syria and the Lebanon as...

in Iraq and Syria (including the genocide of the Yezidi people) and the armed interventions by the US, Russian and Turkish military, the nature of the conflict I would argue, has internationalized. The current tension with some Turkish attacks in the Kurdish areas of Iraq and Syria should surely be argued to be internationalised with the active participation of the US and Russian forces and various Syrian militant groups including ISIS. However, as Mačák has pointed out various parts of this conflict may be a NIAC and others an IAC...

...until the creation of the NIMs, very few MHs have been provided the resources and bandwidth to fulfil these additional requirements. At the same time, it also appears more and more likely that the same situations of mass violence probed by UN MHs will eventually become “crime scenes” where full-fledged criminal investigations will be carried out by the prosecution authorities of international or national courts. Syria and Myanmar are, perhaps, the most illustrative examples of this, with Syria simultaneously being probed by the UN CoI, the IIIM, and domestic authorities...

...(Principles and Guidelines). The Republic of Congo has launched an investigation into allegations of child sexual abuse involving its troops serving as UN peacekeepers in the Central African Republic (CAR). Middle East and Northern Africa The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is ready to send ground troops to Syria as part of an international coalition to fight against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) group, a top official has said. Foreign army soldiers who enter Syria without government consent would “return home in wooden coffins“, Syria’s Foreign Minister...

...194). Both in Libya and Syria, the repression of peaceful demonstrations led to the emergence of internal conflicts involving violent clashes between the government and several opposition groups. As explained by Redaelli, the National Transitional Council (NTC) in Libya and the Syrian Opposition Coalition (SOC) in Syria were recognised by several states as the legitimate representatives of the people of these states. In particular, she indicates that there is a difference between recognising rebels as the legitimate representatives of their peoples and recognising them as a new government, being the...

[ Jens Iverson is a Researcher for the ‘Jus Post Bellum’ project at the Grotius Centre for International Legal Studies, part of the Law Faculty of the University of Leiden.] The debate on the legality of a U.S. strike in Syrian territory is unlikely to produce consensus, in part because those involved in the debate take fundamentally different approaches to international law. Unless the underlying commitments of each approach are brought to the foreground, contributors to the debate risk talking past each other. As a result, an important opportunity will...

carry the death penalty.” However, Kotey and Elsheikh are not subject to this specific protection because as they were captured in Syria by US-backed forces they are not being extradited from the UK nor from the authority of the UK in Syria, which would come under the State’s (extra-territorial) jurisdiction and engage the UK’s obligations under the ECHR (Sanchez Ramirez v France, Al-Saadoon and Mufdhi v the United Kingdom, and Al-Skeini and Others v the United Kingdom). The UK’s strategy for the abolition of the death penalty lists the US...

...least two military installations in air strikes in neighbouring Syria, according to the Israeli military. Russian President Vladimir Putin has warned that any attempts to overthrow the government in Syria could lead to a failed state like Iraq or Libya. Seventeen Syrian refugees, including five children, have drowned after their boat sank in Turkish waters on its way to Greece, according to local media reports. Asia Japan, which accepted just 11 asylum seekers out of 5,000 applications last year, will provide about $810 million in aid in response to refugees...

...at from this perspective, only 13 countries outside of Europe and North America issued statements: Brazil, Chile, China, Georgia, Guatemala, Iran, Israel, Japan, New Zealand, Peru, Syria, Turkey, and UAE. Of these, Brazil, China, Turkey, and Iran issued Neutral statements. One thing that is sure to complicate this debate about the Global South’s position even further is that it took a long time for Russia’s traditional allies to speak out; and when they did, the reaction was underwhelming. Belarus, Iran, and Syria, in fact, waited 48 hours and only issued...

[Harold Hongju Koh is Sterling Professor of International Law at Yale Law School. He returned to Yale in January 2013 after serving for nearly four years as the 22nd Legal Adviser of the U.S. Department of State.] I have been educated by the thoughtful symposium on my new book, The Trump Administration and International Law (Oxford University Press 2018). I am grateful to the committed colleagues who contributed to this Symposium for enlightening me, and deepening my understanding. I especially thank my kind friend Kevin Jon Heller for graciously hosting...