Search: Symposium on the Functional Approach to the Law of Occupation

...to empower citizens to control power and call out arbitrariness and abuse, what we are now witnessing in many countries is a reversal, a gradual weakening and hollowing out of the rule of law. The paradox is that this slow “eviction” of the rule of law is happening through laws passed by democratically elected parliaments. Spain’s controversial Organic Law 4/2015 on the Protection of Citizen Security, commonly referred to as the  “ley mordaza” (gag law), offers a striking example of how protest rights are being reconfigured within democratic frameworks ()....

East Timor announced today that it has reached a tentative agreement with Indonesia to set up a Commission of Truth and Friendship to investigate human rights abuses and crimes committed during Indonesia’s occupation of East Timor. While somewhat controversial among human rights groups who sought a Rwanda or Yugoslav-style ad hoc tribunal, the East Timorese foreign minister explained that: We believe that the best form of justice for the victims is that the truth be acknowledged and that the perpetrators — whether as individuals or collectively — acknowledge their responsibility...

...also puzzled by a statement of the OTP that the ICC does not have jurisdiction because Rwanda is not a party even though the alleged aiding and abetting took place in the DRC, which is a party. Duncan Hollis argued that the Aurora shootings are unlikely to change US positions during negotiations of the Arms Trade Treaty. In a guest post, Solon Solomon wrote about the dynamic interpretation of the law of occupation. A second guest post, by Annie Gell, discussed the practical lessons to be learned from the recently...

scholarly attention to the NMT is both perplexing and unfortunate, because the Tribunals’ judgments have played a critical role in the development of international criminal law. Most often, their jurisprudence was very progressive: holding that aggressive war does not require actual armed conflict (Ministries); insisting that international humanitarian law limits military necessity “even if it results in the loss of a battle or even a war” (Hostage); delinking crimes against humanity from war crimes and crimes against peace (Einsatzgruppen) and recognizing genocide as a crime against humanity (Justice); developing the...

...conspiracies) in violation of the laws of war [10 U.S.C. § 950v(b)(15), (16)]. Therefore, it may in fact be a rule of CIL under the MCA as well. I raised the complexities of the related issues of perfidy and "unlawful combatant" status in my article regarding Hamdan's military commissions case at J Int Criminal Justice 2008 6: 371-383 (May issue). The definition of perfidy in both AP I and the MCA, as discussed below, relies on 'protection under rules of international law.' These international rules do not discuss "protections" owed...

[Tania Ixchel Atilano, born in Mexico City, has a Juris Doctor from the Humboldt University of Berlin. Her research interests lie in the fields of history of international humanitarian law, international criminal law and criminal law. The author kindly thanks Professor Vivianne Weng for her invaluable feedback and comments.] Due to copyright issues, the images discussed have not been reproduced here. A link to view them has been provided within the text. Following the spirit and enthusiasm of starting a new year, I take as inspiration the text by Daniel Ricardo Quiroga...

[Nikolas M. Rajkovic is Chair of International Law at Tilburg University, and Senior Faculty at the Institute for Global Law and Policy of Harvard Law School. He is the author of Off the Map: A Critical Geography of International Law (forthcoming CUP, 2026) and co-editor of The Power of Legality (CUP, 2016).] International law today confronts a landscape that increasingly resists its inherited bearings. Heat domes and geoengineering schemes, Russia’s occupation of eastern Ukraine, Gaza’s devastation, shadow tankers and drone frontiers, climate-driven territorial claims in the Arctic, cyber-attacks on critical...

norm of international law, according to the rules of international responsibility. The logical conclusion is that the legal consequences entailed by it are those enshrined in Article 41 ARSIWA, namely: the duty of cooperation, the duties of non-recognition and not render aid or assistance, and the “other further consequences that a [serious breach] may entail under international law” (Article 41(3)).  It is true that the existence a regime of aggravated responsibility in international law remains as a contested topic in the legal debate, but at least the consequences enshrined in...

...the actions of the U.S. and U.K. governments due to the illegal attack on Iraq and the continuing occupation and oppression of its people.” This perspective seems to conflate but for with proximate causation. Third, they do not want ransom payment or armed intervention to rescue them. According to this report, CPT “policies state that ransoms will not be paid for workers taken hostage [and] … its members … do not use armed protection in Iraq, are prepared to die for peace and would eschew the use of violence to...

...and Golda Meir vocally opposed apartheid and built alliances with black leaders in newly independent African nations. South Africa, for its part, was controlled by a regime of Afrikaner nationalists who had enthusiastically supported Hitler during World War II. But after Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories in 1967, the country found itself estranged from former allies and threatened anew by old enemies. As both states became international pariahs, their covert military relationship blossomed: they exchanged billions of dollars’ worth of extremely sensitive material, including nuclear technology, boosting Israel’s sagging economy...

...image and that the European public is not thrilled about the idea of China becoming a military rival to the U.S. Moreover, it also reflects the effectiveness of China’s diplomatic and PR machine. But the bottom line: China is not a liberal or democratic country. It is currently imprisoning a lot more people indefinitely in its laogai camps than the U.S. could hope to squeeze into Guantanamo. It has missiles pointed at Taiwan and continues to maintain a quasi-military occupation of Tibet. Oh yeah, they have the death penalty and...

[ Giulia Pinzauti is Assistant Professor of Public International Law at Leiden Law School’s Grotius Centre for International Legal Studies. Alessadro Pizzuti (Twitter: @Aless_Pizzuti) is the co-founder and co-director of UpRights .] The authors would like to thank Miles Jackson and Daniel Gryshchenko for their help and suggestions for this post. Introduction The ICC’s lack of jurisdiction over the crime of aggression committed by the leadership of the Russian Federation and Belarus against Ukraine has prompted several voices to advocate alternative avenues to address such a potential impunity gap, including...