Search: Symposium on the Functional Approach to the Law of Occupation

...dealt with by the national system. This is simply a reflection of the functional limitations of the ICC. It is important that all stakeholders should realize this, and therefore focus on the vital importance of strengthening national legal systems. The principle of complementarity under the Rome Statute in any event gives precedence to national systems, even when a situation has been referred by the Security Council. This means that the ICC is obliged to take into consideration the fact that a State has taken or is taking effective justice measures...

[August Reinisch is Professor of International and European Law at the University of Vienna and Member of the International Law Commission. Clemens Treichl is an associate in the international arbitration group at Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer LLP. The views and opinions expressed in this post are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the position of Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer LLP or any of its affiliates.] On February 27, 2019, the US Supreme Court handed down its judgment in Jam v. International Finance Corporation, a widely observed case concerning the scope of...

[Jens Iverson is an assistant professor of international law at Leiden University] The Iranian Non-proliferation Problem: Where to Enrich? The main sticking point for a nuclear non-proliferation deal with Iran is domestic uranium enrichment. It seems intractable: but it might not be.  Iran has been clear that it is open to a new deal, but insists it must be able to enrich uranium domestically. It frames domestic processing capacity as its “nuclear rights.” Iran has rejected proposals that its enrichment be placed, in the long run, in the territory of...

States prove weak or unable to hold corporations accountable despite their best efforts, thus reducing the impunity. Article 6, on the other hand, begins by confirming that “[s]tatutes of limitations shall not apply to violations of international human rights law which constitute crimes under international law”, which echoes ICTY and Inter-American case law, among others, apart from instruments as the Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity or the very Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court in article 29. Now, quite interestingly,...

the idea, to quote the ILC’s Draft Conclusions on Identification of Customary International Law, that “[t]o determine the existence and content of a [primary] rule of customary international law, it is necessary to ascertain whether there is a general practice that is accepted as law.” “Put simply,” Hakimi insists, “the rulebook conception reflects what many people imagine CIL to be, but it does not describe what global actors use and receive as CIL in the everyday practice of law. It does not reflect what CIL ‘is’ as a real-world sociological...

...member(s) siding with taking action.  Probably most importantly, working together in this way would diminish the “veto threat”, which in its many subtle forms is applied to discourage elected members from even considering coming together and pursuing Council action.  The Council working in this way would make clear that it is not our system of collective security that is ineffective. It is made ineffective when permanent members overstep their privileges under international law. Practically speaking, such collective action would require some changes in how elected members approach working on the...

...conspiracies) in violation of the laws of war [10 U.S.C. § 950v(b)(15), (16)]. Therefore, it may in fact be a rule of CIL under the MCA as well. I raised the complexities of the related issues of perfidy and "unlawful combatant" status in my article regarding Hamdan's military commissions case at J Int Criminal Justice 2008 6: 371-383 (May issue). The definition of perfidy in both AP I and the MCA, as discussed below, relies on 'protection under rules of international law.' These international rules do not discuss "protections" owed...

...also puzzled by a statement of the OTP that the ICC does not have jurisdiction because Rwanda is not a party even though the alleged aiding and abetting took place in the DRC, which is a party. Duncan Hollis argued that the Aurora shootings are unlikely to change US positions during negotiations of the Arms Trade Treaty. In a guest post, Solon Solomon wrote about the dynamic interpretation of the law of occupation. A second guest post, by Annie Gell, discussed the practical lessons to be learned from the recently...

...to empower citizens to control power and call out arbitrariness and abuse, what we are now witnessing in many countries is a reversal, a gradual weakening and hollowing out of the rule of law. The paradox is that this slow “eviction” of the rule of law is happening through laws passed by democratically elected parliaments. Spain’s controversial Organic Law 4/2015 on the Protection of Citizen Security, commonly referred to as the  “ley mordaza” (gag law), offers a striking example of how protest rights are being reconfigured within democratic frameworks ()....

scholarly attention to the NMT is both perplexing and unfortunate, because the Tribunals’ judgments have played a critical role in the development of international criminal law. Most often, their jurisprudence was very progressive: holding that aggressive war does not require actual armed conflict (Ministries); insisting that international humanitarian law limits military necessity “even if it results in the loss of a battle or even a war” (Hostage); delinking crimes against humanity from war crimes and crimes against peace (Einsatzgruppen) and recognizing genocide as a crime against humanity (Justice); developing the...

as the new Mearsheimer of humanitarian law, foregrounding the ways in which I emphasize the elasticity, if not malleability, of state interests. She also rightly makes note of my recurring tendency to break apart the so-called unitary position of states by highlighting the formative character of internal divisions, and how these eventually shaped their Geneva’s legal views, an approach inspired by Isabel Hull’s innovative scholarship on the laws of war during World War I.  Even though I am trained as an historian of Nazi occupation and international history, I am...

Any student of international humanitarian law knows the story: “In 1861 Francis Lieber (1800-1872), a German-American professor of political science and law at Columbia University, N.Y., prepared on the behalf of President Lincoln a manual based on international law (the Lieber Code) which was put into effect for the first time in 1863 for the Union Army of the United States in the American Civil War”. This Lieber Code was “the first attempt to set down, in a single set of instructions for forces in the field, the laws and...