Search: palestine icc

...the holy month of Ramadan. IPS reports about the plans of Palestine to ask for non-member observer status at the United Nations September 27th. The Hill reports that Syrian rebel forces are entertaining the idea of joining forces with al-Qaeda. UNICEF is concerned with the increasing number of children being recruited as soldiers in Northern Mali. The New York Times reports that Iraq has been aiding Iran for months in getting around sanctions posed by the United States. Anti-Japanese protests took place in more than 20 Chinese cities on Sunday...

...be hosting two leading UN experts to address the urgent and evolving child rights crisis in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Israel: Ann Skelton (Chairperson, UN Committee on the Rights of the Child) and Farida Shaheed (UN Special Rapporteur on the right to education). Both the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child and the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to education have engaged extensively with the child rights issues raised by the Israel-Palestine conflict. This seminar is a unique opportunity to get their perspectives on the challenges...

...Territory, including East Jerusalem. The Court found that Israel’s continued presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory violated the prohibition of forcible acquisition of territory – described as a corollary of the prohibition of the use of force – without determining that Palestine is a State. As Mikanagi notes, ‘[t]here is ambiguity in the term [] “corollary”’ as used by the ICJ. His application of type theory to determine what constitutes acquisition of territory by force is thought-provoking. While I will not delve deeper here, I agree that ‘there is, at...

Kevin kicked off the week with a post about Jean-Pierre Bemba’s claim against the ICC for €70 million following his final acquittal. While Kevin was skeptical about the merits of Bemba’s compensation claim for €22 million based on his decade of wrongful detention, Kevin was more optimistic about the success Bemba’s spoliation claim for €42.4 million resulting from the ICC’s negligent management of his frozen assets. Kevin continued his commentary with a post on the ramifications of the Philippines’ withdrawal from the Rome Statute on the OTP’s preliminary examination. Steven...

Note: I serve as Special Adviser to the ICC Prosecutor on War Crimes. Twitter is awash with commentary about tweets issued by the Registry that explain the difference between arrest warrants and summonses. Many people have speculated that perhaps the tweets are related to the Palestine situation. Any such speculation is unwarranted, as the tweets are part of a long-scheduled series explaining how the ICC works and are not connected to any situation or any specific judicial development. Given the speculation, however, it is worth explaining how arrest warrants and...

...in occupied Palestine before the ICJ. Notwithstanding the outcome of this pending Opinion, does a request for provisional measures aimed at mitigating the irreparable harm inherent in the very allegation of a genocide offer a more substantive interlocutory solution for the affected Palestinians?  The singularly unique facet of Gambia’s standing before the ICJ, successfully proved, was based on the assertion that the prohibition against genocide as enshrined in the Genocide Convention was an erga omnes partes obligation, hence giving locus standi to all states party to the Convention to bring...

[Mona Ali Khalil is an internationally recognized public international lawyer with 25 years of UN and other experience dealing with the rule of law and international peace and security efforts including peacekeeping, sanctions, disarmament and counterterrorism.] In the face of a veto by any permanent member of the UN Security Council blocking enforcement action against the mass atrocities in Palestine, Myanmar, Syria and Yemen and elsewhere, is the international community helpless to help – failing to fulfill its responsibility to protect? Proponents of the use of force for purposes of...

...international law in places such as Hungary (1956), Egypt (1956), Czechoslovakia (1968), Afghanistan (1978-1989), Iran (1980-1988), Iraq (2003), Palestine (since 1948), etc. That is why I believe that in dealing with the Syrian civil war, the Security Council operated exactly as it was intended to function. It prioritized the strategic interests of a Great Power – Russia – over the human costs of war. This is because the Security Council is not a global law enforcer. It is not an international 911 dispatcher. Nor is it a collective security mechanism...

...– the manner in which issues or problems are presented shapes our decision-making process; it impacts how legal norms are negotiated, interpreted, and applied (chapter 2). This is something we are no doubt intuitively aware of – the way we present a problem will have an impact the outcome –, but which we perhaps do not think about consciously. Being aware of how these frames work can, amongst others, provide insight on legal strategies. For instance, if Palestine wants to convincingly argue before the ICJ that the monetary gold principle...

...in the Balkans? How about the intervention in Libya? Did the international legal community jump the gun in threatening Ghadaffi and his family with criminal indictments, taking off the table options such as amnesties or exile that might have led to an earlier and less bloody regime change in Libya? Have the competing allegations of war crimes and humanitarian violations made in harder rather than easier to have meaningful peace talks between Israel and Palestine, distracting from the underlying political claims at issue? I look forward to hearing your views....

...graduated to the level of cliche and truism. On a more granular level, debate centers on whether the norms of International Humanitarian Law (the law of armed conflict) are still fit for purpose, and on whether there exists a critical mass of compliance and political will to enforce the law. The panel takes place on 17 February 2026 at 11AM Eastern Time/4PM GMT, and will explore these propositions in contemporary contexts, including the so-called “War on Terror,” Russia/Ukraine, Israel/Palestine, Sudan, Venezuela and U.S. drug boat strikes, among others. Register here....

...policy the wrong way, not knowing that Congress is out to lunch and that US policy has not changed. That’s where the risk comes in. It’s what makes this case less than ideal for adapting the Constitution to the new global dynamic. The Middle East is a throwback to the old world. Arguments like Noah Feldman’s here still make a lot of sense when it comes to Israel-Palestine, even if they don’t make so much sense anywhere else. But the risk may be small enough that the Court is willing...