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and in doing so he was ‘well aware of the discriminatory targeting of perceived supporters’ (Pre-Confirmation Brief [91]). It is this ‘implicit and explicit approval of the crimes’ which the Prosecution is so far relying on to make Count 7 (Pre-Confirmation Brief [250]). Increased Attention to Gender Persecution in ICC Cases This is the third ICC trial that gender-based persecution has been alleged by the Prosecution and confirmed by a Pre-Trial Chamber. The two other cases, that of The Prosecutor v. Al Hassan Ag Abdoul Aziz Ag Mohamed Ag Mahmoud...

John has kindly agreed to let me post his private response to my previous post about his speech at the Fletcher School. Before I do, though, I want to reiterate how important it is to not let the US’s refusal to join the ICC blind us to the many significant contributions the US has made, and continues to make, to international criminal justice — and that includes the ICC. I’ll just mention two ICC contributions here. First, the Elements of Crimes exist only because the US insisted on them. Those...

March 2009. Perversely or tellingly depending on one’s perspective, the visit comes just over a week after a July 12th pre-trial chamber ruling which led to a second ICC arrest warrant being issued for Bashir, this time for genocide. Dov Jacobs has an interesting discussion on whether Chad is legally obligated to arrest Bashir. Jacobs argues that, contrary to media claims that the ICC warrant in and of itself requires Chad to arrest Bashir, the ICC must request Chad’s cooperation under art. 89 of the Rome Statute and that the...

...been registered or provided with birth certificates. Lack of identifying information could hinder participation in the ICC judicial process as victims or witnesses and impede access to ICC-specific reparations. Conclusion The revised ICC Policy on Children aims to reflect childrens’ experiences in the cases before the court. To ‘prioritise crimes against and affecting children’ and ‘increase children’s access to justice’, to bring them ‘one step closer to the effective remedies, reparations, and accountability they deserve’. This shift in prosecutorial strategy should also encompass the neglected constituency, the children born of...

island)? "The ICC needs a state that projects power independently or has regional responsibilities" The EU perhaps... Most of the EU members are parties to the Rome Statute. Daniel Graeber The ICC has no authority over anything unless a soveriegn state allows it to or requests its assistance. It's a tool for the states, so I would debate whether the ICC 'needs' anything, as it would be more accurate to say that the states need the ICC. All this talk of Abe and the ICC and no talk of brothels?...

to try Saadi impartially, then they have primary jurisdiction. For the ICC to embark on a prosecutorial campaign against Saadi merely because Niger has expressed a willingness to transfer his would be tantamount to child's play. The ICC is desperately vying for increased legitimacy and cooperation; to prosecute a Saadi, who is likely only limitedly culpable for war crimes, would be hinder the progress of the ICC. Not to mention, this prosecution raises serious questions about sovereignty and jurisdiction, as Libya has repeatedly stated that they desire and intend to...

...should go without saying. Given several states’ disregard of ICC arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Putin, however, it bears stating that for international justice to be effective, including for LGBTQI+ victims, states must honor all ICC warrants. The ICC, however, is just one of the tools the international community should use to hold the Taliban accountable and support LGBTQI+ Afghans. Potential uses of universal jurisdiction should be also explored. In addition to robustly supporting the UN Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan’s mandate, states should create an independent international investigative mechanism to...

[Melanie O’Brien is Senior Lecturer in International Law at the UWA Law School, University of Western Australia; and an affiliated researcher of the Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, University of Queensland.] Followers of Opinio Juris well know Kevin Jon Heller’s criticism of Crossing Lines and its portrayal of the ICC. I recently watched the action-comedy The Hitman’s Bodyguard, a film that includes an ICC-related storyline, and it certainly opens itself up to some well-deserved criticism about its portrayal of the ICC. The storyline of The Hitman’s Bodyguard is...

...under Article 12(2), unless Ukraine accepts ICC jurisdiction on an ad hoc basis under Article 12(3). Ukraine has already made such an Article 12(3) declaration on 17 April 2014, accepting ICC jurisdiction over crimes committed within its territory. However, this declaration is temporally limited to the period between 21 November 2013 and 22 February 2014. Nevertheless, Ukraine may choose to make a further Article 12(3) declaration which does cover the events of 17 July 2014, accepting ICC jurisdiction over the downing of MH17. Again, this would depend on Ukraine’s political...

and Casey, whose knowledge of the ICC could fit comfortably on the head of a pin. And indeed, Scott’s comment seems misguided in a number of important respects. To begin with, many of the world’s “great powers” have agreed that the ICC can indeed be a forum for “enforcement of the laws of war” against them: the UK, France, Germany, Japan. To be sure, those countries would be less than thrilled if the ICC prosecuted one of their nationals — but there is no evidence whatsoever that they would abandon...

Last year, there was lots of grousing on this blog and elsewhere about U.S. objections to an ICC referral for Sudan. Kenneth Roth of Human Rights Watch, among others, claimed that an ICC referral “would start saving lives tomorrow.” The U.S. relented and … the brutal, genocidal war continues largely unabated. Yup, those Sudanese militias are really holding back in fear of an ICC indictment. Meanwhile, the ICC (unwisely supported by the U.S. and the U.K.) appears to be a key obstacle to ending an equally brutal (but maybe not...

to the interests of the Libyan authorities,” Keita wrote in a court filing. “It might also be appropriate for the ICC Prosecutor to consider recusing himself from the case.” [snip] Ocampo earlier had suggested to judges that, as Gaddafi had not formally requested a lawyer during a meeting in March with an ICC defence official, Keita be removed from the case. Judges said no to that one, too, but they have still to make up their minds what to do about a case that is fast spiralling into a major...