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[Camila   Teran   is a lawyer with a LLB in Law and a LLM in International Criminal Law, both from the University of Sussex.] The ICC’s current crisis bears witness to the contentious relationship between the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC (OTP) and States. The OTP’s progress is further frustrated by the small window triggering the admissibility phase that would allow the Prosecutor to formally investigate Colombia. The “Colombian situation,” focused on the prosecution of FARC militaries and paramilitaries through the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (SJP) Tribunal,...

Although I support the Security Council referral of the Libya situation to the ICC, I do not have any degree of confidence that the ICC referral has not altered Moammar Qaddafi’s negotiating or fighting posture at this time. I have no idea whether Qaddafi’s state of mind (if you can even refer to it in normal psychology terms) has or has not been altered by the ICC referral. And whether Qaddafi himself says it has been or not would obviously be completely unreliable. On the other hand, I don’t think...

and in doing so he was ‘well aware of the discriminatory targeting of perceived supporters’ (Pre-Confirmation Brief [91]). It is this ‘implicit and explicit approval of the crimes’ which the Prosecution is so far relying on to make Count 7 (Pre-Confirmation Brief [250]). Increased Attention to Gender Persecution in ICC Cases This is the third ICC trial that gender-based persecution has been alleged by the Prosecution and confirmed by a Pre-Trial Chamber. The two other cases, that of The Prosecutor v. Al Hassan Ag Abdoul Aziz Ag Mohamed Ag Mahmoud...

John has kindly agreed to let me post his private response to my previous post about his speech at the Fletcher School. Before I do, though, I want to reiterate how important it is to not let the US’s refusal to join the ICC blind us to the many significant contributions the US has made, and continues to make, to international criminal justice — and that includes the ICC. I’ll just mention two ICC contributions here. First, the Elements of Crimes exist only because the US insisted on them. Those...

March 2009. Perversely or tellingly depending on one’s perspective, the visit comes just over a week after a July 12th pre-trial chamber ruling which led to a second ICC arrest warrant being issued for Bashir, this time for genocide. Dov Jacobs has an interesting discussion on whether Chad is legally obligated to arrest Bashir. Jacobs argues that, contrary to media claims that the ICC warrant in and of itself requires Chad to arrest Bashir, the ICC must request Chad’s cooperation under art. 89 of the Rome Statute and that the...

...been registered or provided with birth certificates. Lack of identifying information could hinder participation in the ICC judicial process as victims or witnesses and impede access to ICC-specific reparations. Conclusion The revised ICC Policy on Children aims to reflect childrens’ experiences in the cases before the court. To ‘prioritise crimes against and affecting children’ and ‘increase children’s access to justice’, to bring them ‘one step closer to the effective remedies, reparations, and accountability they deserve’. This shift in prosecutorial strategy should also encompass the neglected constituency, the children born of...

island)? "The ICC needs a state that projects power independently or has regional responsibilities" The EU perhaps... Most of the EU members are parties to the Rome Statute. Daniel Graeber The ICC has no authority over anything unless a soveriegn state allows it to or requests its assistance. It's a tool for the states, so I would debate whether the ICC 'needs' anything, as it would be more accurate to say that the states need the ICC. All this talk of Abe and the ICC and no talk of brothels?...

Last year, there was lots of grousing on this blog and elsewhere about U.S. objections to an ICC referral for Sudan. Kenneth Roth of Human Rights Watch, among others, claimed that an ICC referral “would start saving lives tomorrow.” The U.S. relented and … the brutal, genocidal war continues largely unabated. Yup, those Sudanese militias are really holding back in fear of an ICC indictment. Meanwhile, the ICC (unwisely supported by the U.S. and the U.K.) appears to be a key obstacle to ending an equally brutal (but maybe not...

Art. 16 and preclude ICC jurisdiction. Finally, Art. 17 of the ICC statute requires “complementarity.” That means if a local or national investigation or prosecution of the conduct at issue is taking place, the Court is prohibited from exercising its jurisdiction. The only exception is where the state is “unwilling of unable” to exercise the jurisdiction. The US military investigations into and subsequent prosecutions of abuses at Abu Ghraib under the Uniform Code of Military Justice, for example, would likely trigger Art. 17 and halt effective jurisdiction of the ICC....

...under Article 12(2), unless Ukraine accepts ICC jurisdiction on an ad hoc basis under Article 12(3). Ukraine has already made such an Article 12(3) declaration on 17 April 2014, accepting ICC jurisdiction over crimes committed within its territory. However, this declaration is temporally limited to the period between 21 November 2013 and 22 February 2014. Nevertheless, Ukraine may choose to make a further Article 12(3) declaration which does cover the events of 17 July 2014, accepting ICC jurisdiction over the downing of MH17. Again, this would depend on Ukraine’s political...

...to address briefly several key points raised by the commentators.   1) The balancing approach and the ICC’s competing purposes In the article, I argue that the ICC pursues multiple and sometimes competing goals—protecting defendants’ rights, promoting respect for the rule of law, holding perpetrators of international crimes responsible, and establishing a record of the atrocities. While the first two goals generally tend to favor stricter remedies for prosecutorial misconduct, the last two goals call for a more tempered approach. Meg deGuzman agrees that the balancing approach is necessary to...

to try Saadi impartially, then they have primary jurisdiction. For the ICC to embark on a prosecutorial campaign against Saadi merely because Niger has expressed a willingness to transfer his would be tantamount to child's play. The ICC is desperately vying for increased legitimacy and cooperation; to prosecute a Saadi, who is likely only limitedly culpable for war crimes, would be hinder the progress of the ICC. Not to mention, this prosecution raises serious questions about sovereignty and jurisdiction, as Libya has repeatedly stated that they desire and intend to...