Search: palestine icc

...cooperate with any indictments that may be handed down. See http://www.standardmedia.co.ke/InsidePage.php?id=2000024824&catid=4&a=1 And for Henry Kosgey see http://www.nation.co.ke/News/politics/Kosgey%20says%20ready%20to%20work%20with%20ICC/-/1064/1073474/-/clvbgj/-/index.html The Executive Branch has set up a cabinet committee to coordinate with the ICC’s investigation and there is no indication howsoever that the President or Prime Minister would want to protect either Uhuru Kenyatta or Ambassador Francis Muthaura, a close confidant and Secretary to the Cabinet from those prosecutions if they are permitted. There is therefore yet to be an issue of handing anyone to the ICC unlike in Bashir’s case. I think...

...Working Group would permit either the General Assembly or the ICJ to trigger the ICC’s jurisdiction if the Security Council fails to act. The US position is also, of course, a political non-starter. There are only five countries in the world who would be happy conditioning the ICC’s jurisdiction on the Security Council determining that an act of aggression has taken place — the five members of the Security Council with a permanent veto. The ICC would be better off not having jurisdiction over aggression than allowing the P-5 to...

David Bosco has an important post at The Multilateralist today reminding people that Palestine does not have to ratify the Rome Statute for the ICC to be able to investigate the situation in the West Bank and Gaza. As David notes, because Palestine has filed a declaration under Article 12(3) accepting the Court’s jurisdiction on an ad hoc basis, the Prosecutor already has the authority to initiate an investigation, should she so choose. That said, it still matters — at least formally — whether Palestine takes advantage of its newly-recognized...

...would be reluctant to engage the ICC either as a party or ad hoc, not to mention the political will of the ICC to take up any investigation, particularly in the face of undoubted U.S. hostility. Still, it seems to me that the U.S. policy here of denying certain constitutional rights to detainees extraterritorially operates in some tension with the U.S. policy to limit the circumstances in which U.S. forces would be subject to ICC jurisdiction. The more the U.S. emphasizes GTMO’s outside the United States’ territorial sovereignty, the more...

...1993 in respect to the return of persons displaced by the 1967 war. Israeli leaders routinely claim that repatriating even one of those refugees would cross an imaginary red line. I predict Hamas will continue to insist upon their right of return. RE: As for the “Jewish state” issue, let me point out that Palestine’s constitution defines it as a Muslim state. Yes, but it explicitly stipulates: "Article 4(1) Islam is the official religion in Palestine. Respect for the sanctity of all other divine religions shall be maintained. ...Article 9...

off, though, with a second declaration that looked back to 2004. There would be no conflict between the judiciary and the OTP if the judges refused to conclude that Palestine was a state when Arafat died; on the contrary, the OTP seems to believe that Palestine was not a state — at least for purposes of ICC membership — until the UNGA upgraded its status. Moreover, the judges can’t exactly relish having to determine not only when Palestine became a state, but also the proper test for making that determination....

...a modern phenonomen in general. In other words, specifically those of the subtitle to Ilan Pappe's A History of Modern Palestine (2004): "One Land, Two Peoples." See, for instance the following works of standard scholarship (books, in English): Farsoun, Samih K. (with Christian E. Zacharia). Palestine and the Palestinians. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997. Gerner, Deborah J. One Land, Two Peoples: The Conflict over Palestine. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2nd ed., 1994. Hadawi, Sami. Bitter Harvest: A Modern History of Palestine. New York: Olive Branch Press, 1989. Khalidi, Rashid. Palestinian...

to join the ICC in the near future (if ever). But increased US engagement with the Court can have significant benefits for both parties. That said, it is important to emphasize that the US’s new “Observer” status is not without its drawbacks. The US has not abandoned its basic objections to the ICC — the independent prosecutor, automatic jurisdiction over crimes committed on the territory of a State Party, no formal Security Council control over the ICC’s docket, etc. — despite the fact that they are non-starters for the Assembly...

the ICTY and ICTR and now their move to the MICT. In contrast, as the ICC has 124 States Parties, and is involved in ten different situations, the ‘start-up costs’ that these other Courts faced are borne by the ICC each time it begins work in a new situation, including field costs, interpretation and translation costs. Second, neither the ICTY nor the ICTR provided any opportunity for victims to present their testimony before the Tribunal outside of serving as a witness. The much broader role for victims at the ICC,...

Sudan. Insights from revolutionary thinkers like Edward Said, Arundhati Roy, and Frantz Fanon highlight the necessity for transnational solidarity in anti-colonial resistance. Through an examination of these regions, this post uncovers how enduring colonial legacies and modern geopolitical manoeuvres perpetuate cycles of oppression, revealing the need for a unified, informed approach to achieving global justice. Parallels in Oppression The conflicts in Palestine, Kashmir and Sudan are shaped by the overlapping influences of historical injustices and modern geopolitical agendas, leading to prolonged struggles for justice and self-determination. In Palestine, over half...

...leaders, an Israeli lawyer, Mordechai Tzivin, was the first to strike, filing a complaint and request for an investigation. The request is unprecedented not only because it involves the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and is against “Palestine” as a state and its leaders such as Abbas and nine Hamas members, but also because it is filed by an individual law firm as opposed to by a state. Generally speaking, the ICC can only hear cases filed by states. However, as the Tzivin wrote in his request to Bensada, the ICC prosecutor has...

...under Article 12(2), unless Ukraine accepts ICC jurisdiction on an ad hoc basis under Article 12(3). Ukraine has already made such an Article 12(3) declaration on 17 April 2014, accepting ICC jurisdiction over crimes committed within its territory. However, this declaration is temporally limited to the period between 21 November 2013 and 22 February 2014. Nevertheless, Ukraine may choose to make a further Article 12(3) declaration which does cover the events of 17 July 2014, accepting ICC jurisdiction over the downing of MH17. Again, this would depend on Ukraine’s political...