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Search: palestine icc

26 May

a background of colonial and neocolonial violence, postcolonial critique, and enduring inequalities of international power. Clarke’s intervention is the culmination of years of qualitative multisited research that tracked the workings of the ICC through a wide range of its prosecutorial activities, from The Hague to its ongoing field investigations against different African heads of state and senior government officials. At the same time, and perhaps even more important, Affective Justice approaches the status of the ICC in Africa from an innovative perspective. Instead of viewing the ICC through the lens...
26.05.20 | |

18 Jun

framework to study the Court’s effects on peace, justice, and conflict processes. This framework is applied to two cases: Libya and northern Uganda. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, the core of the book examines the empirical effects of the ICC on each case. The book also examines why the ICC has the effects that it does, delineating the relationship between the interests of states that refer situations to the Court and the ICC’s institutional interests, arguing that the negotiation of these interests determines which side of a conflict the ICC targets...
18.06.16 | |

10 Feb

aspect of her article is Power’s obvious contempt for the Bush Administration, which undercuts her otherwise very persuasive piece. In a very unfair (but effective) phrase, she accuses the Bush Administration of not being able to decide whether it dislikes “genocide” more than the ICC. This is unfair because she is equating opposition to the ICC with condoning genocide. The ICC may be great, but surely Power must concede there are some reasonable objections to the ICC and that one can still want to prosecute genocide while still opposing the...
10.02.05 | |

29 Oct

a legal duty to cooperate with the Court’s inquiry even after the State Party has left the Court, and (2) the State Party’s departure cannot prejudice the Court’s “consideration of any matter” that was already underway before departure. The “Court” in the Rome Statute refers to the entire ICC, including the Prosecutor, and not just the judges. I disagree. There is no question that “the Court” sometimes refers to “the entire ICC,” such as when the Rome Statute is referring generically to the ICC’s location or international legal personality. Indeed,...
29.10.17 | |

02 Oct

...Article 15bis(4), in addition, allows States Parties to opt out of crime of aggression jurisdiction. The former is what prohibits the ICC from investigating and prosecuting the crime of aggression related to the situation of Ukraine. The second has proven less significant to date as only two states have employed the opt out.  To close the resulting jurisdictional gap, GIPA experts have proposed an amendment that would replace paragraphs (4) and (5) of Article 15 bis with the same jurisdictional rules that apply to the ICC’s other core crimes. This...
02.10.23 | |

16 Feb

...to remain in country under witness protection auspices; the ICC itself has very little ability or capacity to safeguard Salikov on its own. The threat to Salikov’s life also means that the ICC must work quickly to preserve its interviews and testimony so that these can be used in later proceedings even if Salikov later becomes unavailable. Conclusion: The ICC has a Historic Opportunity to Advance the Ukraine Investigation and Bring Justice for Wagner Group War Crimes Elsewhere For years the world has watched in horror as the Wagner Group...
16.02.24 | , and |

03 Jan

...1947 to recommend termination of the British Mandate of Palestine and partition of Palestine between Arabs and Jews (the original two-state solution). Britain planned to terminate control over the Mandate on 15 May, but they obstinately refused to allow the Palestine Commission, which was to assume control of the Mandate until the partition could be practically worked out, to enter into the Mandate before 1 May. Thus, the Commission would have exactly two weeks to prepare to assume control of the Mandate. However, the Mandate was rife with Jewish-Arab conflict....
03.01.09 | |

26 Mar

...Working Group would permit either the General Assembly or the ICJ to trigger the ICC’s jurisdiction if the Security Council fails to act. The US position is also, of course, a political non-starter. There are only five countries in the world who would be happy conditioning the ICC’s jurisdiction on the Security Council determining that an act of aggression has taken place — the five members of the Security Council with a permanent veto. The ICC would be better off not having jurisdiction over aggression than allowing the P-5 to...
26.03.10 | |

23 Dec

...cooperate with any indictments that may be handed down. See http://www.standardmedia.co.ke/InsidePage.php?id=2000024824&catid=4&a=1 And for Henry Kosgey see http://www.nation.co.ke/News/politics/Kosgey%20says%20ready%20to%20work%20with%20ICC/-/1064/1073474/-/clvbgj/-/index.html The Executive Branch has set up a cabinet committee to coordinate with the ICC’s investigation and there is no indication howsoever that the President or Prime Minister would want to protect either Uhuru Kenyatta or Ambassador Francis Muthaura, a close confidant and Secretary to the Cabinet from those prosecutions if they are permitted. There is therefore yet to be an issue of handing anyone to the ICC unlike in Bashir’s case. I think...
23.12.10 | |

28 Oct

given the drafters of the Rome Statute’s quite deliberate decision not to give the ICC retroactive jurisdiction. Few Latin American governments would have ratified the Rome Statute if they knew that their actions during the Dirty War would be open to judicial scrutiny. But let’s assume the ICC will recognise continuing crimes. Would that mean the Lago Agrio plaintiffs have a case? It’s an interesting question. As noted above, it’s possible that Chevron’s deliberate pollution of the Lago Agrio region qualified as the crime against humanity of forcible transfer; “forcible”...
28.10.14 | |

24 Jan

David Bosco has an important post at The Multilateralist today reminding people that Palestine does not have to ratify the Rome Statute for the ICC to be able to investigate the situation in the West Bank and Gaza. As David notes, because Palestine has filed a declaration under Article 12(3) accepting the Court’s jurisdiction on an ad hoc basis, the Prosecutor already has the authority to initiate an investigation, should she so choose. That said, it still matters — at least formally — whether Palestine takes advantage of its newly-recognized...
24.01.13 | |

03 Dec

...would be reluctant to engage the ICC either as a party or ad hoc, not to mention the political will of the ICC to take up any investigation, particularly in the face of undoubted U.S. hostility. Still, it seems to me that the U.S. policy here of denying certain constitutional rights to detainees extraterritorially operates in some tension with the U.S. policy to limit the circumstances in which U.S. forces would be subject to ICC jurisdiction. The more the U.S. emphasizes GTMO’s outside the United States’ territorial sovereignty, the more...
03.12.07 | |