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states from as many of the ICC’s five regional groupings as possible, and prioritization of those states that have nominated multiple candidates to the bench.” OSJI conducted desktop research and primary source interviews from January to May this year and spoke to a variety of relevant actors including ICC judges (current and former), ICC staff, civil society organisations, government representatives, former members of the Advisory Committee on the Nominations of Judges. The process for electing judges for the ICC is, in short, as follows: candidates must be nominated by a...

...Order deemed a national emergency and threat to national security. Whilst the Executive Order only mentions the situation in Afghanistan and the risk of prosecution of U.S. military personnel, the United States has expressed concerns and disagreement with the decision of the ICC to pursue its investigation into the situation involving Israel and Palestine. Despite the Biden Administration’s focus on human rights and foreign policy, the sanctions against the ICC personnel remain in place. This means, at the most basic level, personnel are subject to travel bans and have restrictions...

a background of colonial and neocolonial violence, postcolonial critique, and enduring inequalities of international power. Clarke’s intervention is the culmination of years of qualitative multisited research that tracked the workings of the ICC through a wide range of its prosecutorial activities, from The Hague to its ongoing field investigations against different African heads of state and senior government officials. At the same time, and perhaps even more important, Affective Justice approaches the status of the ICC in Africa from an innovative perspective. Instead of viewing the ICC through the lens...

In the Wall Street Journal editorial Ken mentions below, Goldsmith and Posner argue — in defense of their thesis that Europeans ignore international law if it is not in their interest to obey it — that “when nations led by Europe created the International Criminal Court (ICC), they purported to limit the Security Council’s power to delay or halt ICC trials, also in disregard of the U.N. Charter, which states that Charter obligations trump the requirements of any other treaty.” That argument misunderstands both the ICC and the UN Charter....

...he was going to do about it. The meeting had been convened to check the status of the ICC ratification by the member countries. Meanwhile, the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights, on Tuesday said it had submitted its report on post-election violence to the ICC and pledged to help the court to prosecute the suspects. Mr Sirma told the Nation: “I asked Mr Moreno-Ocompo whether he had received the list from Kenya but he said that was a matter between the ICC and Mr Annan. However, he said they...

...but also to drive reform where this is necessary.” I note that as an ICC defence lawyer, and even though he has not practised at the ICC for five years, Khan has still represented more defendants than any other lawyer. Yet, I suggest, ‘crossing the floor’ will represent a challenge for Khan because in defending his clients, he has had cause to criticise the investigations and conduct of the very office he will now be heading up, for example in the Ruto case where he said in his opening statement...

election violence and to cooperate with the ICC “within the framework of the Rome Statute and…[Kenya’s] International Crimes Act.” Thus, Kenya avoided having to refer the investigation and possible prosecution of post election violence suspects to the ICC under Article 14 of the Rome Statute. It seems neither Kibaki nor Raila wanted to take the political heat from their respective inner circles of having surrendered the fate of some of their most senior cabinet members to the ICC. Thus, the ICC will serve for Kenya, the role of conducting perhaps...

...immunity before international courts in recent years were the ICC’s findings that certain State Parties to the Rome Statute that created the ICC breached their duty of cooperation by failing to arrest Omar al-Bashir when he visited their territories.  Al-Bashir, like Putin, was at the time the sitting head of state (and head of government).  Sudan, like Russia, was not and is not a State Party to the ICC.  Putin’s visit to Mongolia and al-Bashir’s visits to several State Parties both raise the question of cooperation with the Court, but...

[Andrew Clapham is Professor of International Law at the Geneva Graduate Institute and the author of “Human Rights: A Very Short Introduction and War“.] The arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and Maria Alekseyevna Lvova-Belova have generated a lot of talk about the absence of any obligation on Russia to comply due to Russia not being a party to the Statute of the ICC. In addition, we have seen a secondary debate about the personal immunity of a head of state from a...

...Article 15bis(4), in addition, allows States Parties to opt out of crime of aggression jurisdiction. The former is what prohibits the ICC from investigating and prosecuting the crime of aggression related to the situation of Ukraine. The second has proven less significant to date as only two states have employed the opt out.  To close the resulting jurisdictional gap, GIPA experts have proposed an amendment that would replace paragraphs (4) and (5) of Article 15 bis with the same jurisdictional rules that apply to the ICC’s other core crimes. This...

...1947 to recommend termination of the British Mandate of Palestine and partition of Palestine between Arabs and Jews (the original two-state solution). Britain planned to terminate control over the Mandate on 15 May, but they obstinately refused to allow the Palestine Commission, which was to assume control of the Mandate until the partition could be practically worked out, to enter into the Mandate before 1 May. Thus, the Commission would have exactly two weeks to prepare to assume control of the Mandate. However, the Mandate was rife with Jewish-Arab conflict....

given the drafters of the Rome Statute’s quite deliberate decision not to give the ICC retroactive jurisdiction. Few Latin American governments would have ratified the Rome Statute if they knew that their actions during the Dirty War would be open to judicial scrutiny. But let’s assume the ICC will recognise continuing crimes. Would that mean the Lago Agrio plaintiffs have a case? It’s an interesting question. As noted above, it’s possible that Chevron’s deliberate pollution of the Lago Agrio region qualified as the crime against humanity of forcible transfer; “forcible”...