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Sudan, Gabon, the DRC, Mali and the Philippines to validate the theoretical arguments long advanced in the literature. The author also interestingly engages with the ICC’s posture in its dealings with these so-called “weaker” states. He clearly demonstrates how the ICC has severally played along and, in some cases, fallen prey to these states’ shenanigans. Throughout the book, the author draws on the empirical evidence in the various states referred to with a critical mind which takes no action/inaction by both states and the ICC for granted. The book will...

intelligence chief Abdullah Senussi on the same charges. On July 18 the Hague-based ICC rejected Tripoli’s request to keep Seif in Libya for trial, saying that Libya remained “obliged” to hand over Seif to the court. Libya’s representative to the ICC, Ahmed al-Jehani said that as soon as Seif is transferred to Tripoli, the Libyan government would again appeal the ICC decision. Mr al-Jehani added: “The ICC decision is based on Seif al-Islam’s detention in Zintan and not under the control of the judicial authorities in Tripoli. This (ICC) decision...

President to the ICC. Instead, exercising its right under Art. 17 of the Rome Statute, it prosecutes him for genocide itself. I see nothing in the Jordan appeal decision that rules out S3. If the ICC arrest warrant entitled Beta to arrest and surrender the President of Alpha to the ICC despite his HoS immunity, surely it entitled Beta to arrest the President and prosecute him itself. The principle of complementarity is a foundational part of the ICC’s jurisdictional regime. Beta has thus managed to evade HoS immunity simply by...

through which their authors can engage multiple audiences at and beyond the ICC. In my article in the JICJ’s ‘Contemporary International Criminal Law After Critique’ symposium, I explore this advocacy. I argue that making an Article 15 communication enables civil society actors to engage in sociological criminalisation, pursuing a form of extralegal accountability – including for those who remain unaccountable before the ICC. Accountability Beyond the Courtroom There are many reasons why perpetrators of violence and harms may not be held accountable under international criminal law. International criminal law criminalises...

as described by the Defense of Mr. Yekatom, has varied in different countries, the ICC Detention Centre, and the United Nations Detention Unit in The Hague. The discrepancy in rights to family visitation between national prison detainees and international detainees seems odd; however, the disparity between the United Nations Detention Unit, the ICC Detention Centre, and the Kosovo Specialist Chambers is even more worrisome. The resolution of this discrepancy should be welcomed. The ICC Detention Centre will not allow in-person family visits for the foreseeable future. The Ninth Registry Update...

...so few individuals, and failed to pursue government perpetrators.  Meanwhile, global audiences, from activists to academics and diplomats, question the ICC’s non-prosecution of persons from powerful states. Implicit in Hafetz’s argument that the ICC should focus on expressing the message that no one is above the law, especially by pursuing perpetrators from powerful states, is an endorsement of a global focus for the ICC’s work.  The ICC should not select situations or cases with a view to fulfilling the goals or expectations of local or national audiences, but rather should...

...in searching for enforcement inspiration. Rather, due consideration should be given to the leading public international law enforcement mechanism for obligations on individuals: the International Criminal Court. There are, of course, shortcomings with drawing inspiration from the ICC. The ICC prosecutes natural persons, while corporations are likely to be the relevant subject of AGI governance. The ICC’s remit covers genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and crimes of aggression. These may reasonably be seen as far more heinous than a developer pushing the boundaries of permissible AI development. Indeed, even...

...ahead of elections of key officials at the International Criminal Court (ICC) scheduled to take place this month, by civil society organizations, academics, and States Parties. Because of a range of integrity failures during recent years, the prevailing view is that the next ICC Prosecutor, President of the Bureau of the Assembly of States Parties (ASP), and other high officials of the Court must be exemplary not only in professional terms, but also as regards integrity (see, for example, Professor Gregory Gordon’s recent post on the selection of the next...

...complex, very careful, and somewhat operational. Clark implies that distance can shrink and scale can contract. One way might be to correctively bring the institution – the ICC – nearer physically, more aligned methodologically, and in greater cultural harmony with the affirmed beneficiaries of its grace(s). Sure, yes, of course, maybe. But I don’t think the ICC is ready for that or yet able to do it. Why? Oh, because I think there is an even more embedded gap. I wonder whether the ICC’s separateness runs far deeper and can...

challenges in preparing the submission to the ICC was establishing the nature of responsibility of individuals within corporations for crimes committed against civilians in Yemen. Article 25(3)(c) of the Rome Statute is one of the key provisions invoked in the communication to the ICC as it establishes responsibility of those who: …“for the purpose of facilitating the commission of such a crime, aids, abets or otherwise assists in its commission or its attempted commission, including providing the means for its commission.” This definition of complicity, which calls for a ‘purposeful...

children in hostilities vis-à-vis the wider IHL framework. This is because the Rome Statute provision effectively brought the prohibition within the remit of ICL for the first time. In Lubanga, the ICC Chambers concluded that the term ‘active’ can encompass both direct and indirect participation (Lubanga TC Judgment para.628; AC Judgment para.340). Significantly, the ICC’s interpretation of ‘active’ participation reflects a broader understanding of the term compared to its meaning and scope under IHL.   The underlying premise of the ICC’s reasoning is to be welcomed; it seeks to provide...

...Parties of the International Criminal Court (ICC) of 27 January 2025 is a case in point. It recognizes that the ICC now faces significant threats and unlawful sanctions from states like Russia for its investigations and arrest warrants in the Ukraine situation, and from the USA for investigations and arrest orders in the Palestine situation.  As underlined by the authors of that call, “the ICC’s mission is not political, it is about applying international law consistently and impartially to hold perpretrators of the gravest crimes accountable”. Furthermore, the call points...