Search: extraterritorial sanctions

only, committed in violation of the law of nations.” If the ATS does not sufficiently indicate extraterritorial application, certainly neither does § 78aa. And if the district court in Morrison “had jurisdiction under 15 U.S.C. § 78aa” over claims involving extraterritorial activity—as the Supreme Court explicitly said it did—then the district court in Kiobel also should have “had jurisdiction under [the ATS]” over claims involving extraterritorial activity. Having decided, correctly in my view, that the conduct-regulating rule under the ATS comes from international law, the Court essentially painted itself into...

...now widely regarded as obsolete, as extraterritorial jurisdiction appears antinomic within a Westphalian international order essentially built on territorial sovereignty. The upshot, for present purposes, is that directly regulating production practices within Mercosur territory would expose the EU to significant legal and diplomatic friction. Notwithstanding international law’s prohibitive tendencies toward extraterritorial jurisdiction, the Union has developed alternative means of influencing actors operating overseas, colloquially known as the “Brussels Effect.” The term, coined by Prof. Anu Bradford, describes the EU’s capacity to externalise its regulatory standards beyond its borders through market-access...

– may well cause Canadians to rethink their reluctance to extraterritorially apply their own laws. But to my mind, extraterritorial lawsuits (i.e. transnational litigations) are problematic. In some ways, recent international legal scholarship has encouraged these suits. Sovereigntist/revisionist scholars have pushed internationalists to turn domestically with their sustained attack against international, multilateral instruments as a threat to American democratic sovereignty. On the other hand, internationalists have also turned away from traditional sources of international law and multilateralism, believing the traditional view that international lawmaking should be the sole business of...

...essential to the federal courts having a constitutional basis for exercising jurisdiction over it. The court then held, The norms being applied under the ATS are international, not domestic, ones, derived from international law. As a result, the primary considerations underlying the presumption against extraterritoriality—the foreign relations difficulties and intrusions into the sovereignty of other nations likely to arise if we claim the authority to require persons in other countries to obey our laws—do not come into play. This is because, Judge Kleinfeld’s contention notwithstanding, we are not asserting an...

United States. “Extraterritorial Territory.” In some ATS cases, it is alleged that the unlawful conduct occurs abroad, but there is nonetheless a territorial nexus to the United States. Examples include conduct that occurs on U.S. territories, within U.S. embassies and consulates, on U.S. military bases located overseas, or on U.S.-flagged vessels or airlines. Obviously, not all of these activities will touch and concern the United States with sufficient force to displace the presumption against extraterritoriality. But these are the kinds of questions that will be the subject of future litigation....

...very problem that Kiobel addressed, i.e., the extraterritorial reach of domestic law. While international crimes are subject to universal jurisdiction, universal jurisdiction is still only permissive and not mandatory. The duty, if there is one, for states to punish all international crimes (e.g., as suggested in the preamble to the ICC Statute) is a very weak one; the only clear duties are those in specific treaties like the Torture or Disappearances Conventions. So why assume that states will pass criminal statutes (even covering obvious international crimes) covering conduct by their...

...bothered to act upon these warnings. After the first wave of violence, the U.S. Government went so far as to lift a longstanding U.S. investment ban on Myanmar and, not long after that, lifted an import ban on Myanmar goods. Those sanctions, if left in place at the time, would not have been a silver bullet. No one believed then or now that the sanctions alone could have averted the disaster. Instead, the concern about the premature lifting of the sanctions at the time was the abysmal timing and the...

...Evidence of our acceptance is the legal sanction. The community sanctions violations of law with coercive measures—unlike the way communities deal with social or moral violations. International law has and always had sanctions for law violation, which provide evidence of what the international community understands to be law. The Power and Purpose of International Law takes on this central myth about international law today: that it is not really law because it has no means of enforcement. The three chapters of Part I present the very real enforcement means of...

...the Rules impose harsh penalties including criminal sanctions on intermediaries if they fail to comply with any provision of the Rules. Rule 7 states that any social media intermediary that fails to meet its obligations under the Rules would be liable for any punishment in force including the provisions of the Indian Penal Code. General Comment 34 of the UN General Assembly and the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of freedom of expression have both repeatedly affirmed that imposing penal sanctions on free speech cause a severe...

...and vague on modalities. In parallel, the UK‑France‑Germany trio (the E3) have triggered the UN “snapback” process to restore sanctions, with signals they could pause it if Iran restores full inspection access and re‑engages in U.S. nuclear talks. Meanwhile, Washington now characterizes the U.S. strikes as having degraded Iran’s capacity but likely only for “months,” even as it publicly presses for complete dismantlement of enrichment and reprocessing in Iran. Regionally, Iran’s retaliatory missile launch toward the U.S. Al Udeid base in Qatar (intercepted with no casualities) underscored the ease with...

...economic and travel sanctions against the Prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda and Phakiso Mochochoko, the Head of the Court’s Jurisdiction, Complementarity and Cooperation Division. The administration justified the sanctions on the basis that Bensouda and Mochochoko were engaging in the ‘politically motivated’ targeting of American soldiers who served in Afghanistan. The sanctions order called the investigation ‘unjust and illegitimate’ without elaborating as to either claim. However, an earlier Executive Order issued by Trump authorising the use of sanctions against ICC employees linked them to the ICC’s assertion of jurisdiction over possible criminality...

...for additional information regarding the Fall 2021 Lecture Series or other initiatives of the Society, kindly visit our website. You can also follow and engage with us on LinkedIn, Twitter and Instagram! Call for Papers Call for Papers: “Sanctions and Africa: An International Law and Politics Conference”: Coventry University, The Graduate Institute Geneva, and University of Pretoria are pleased to announce a conference on “Sanctions and Africa: An International Law and Politics Conference” on 9-10 December 2021. The aim of the conference is to investigate and reimagine Africa as an...