Search: extraterritorial sanctions

...Council Sanctions Committee, including a determination as to whether the reasons for sanctions listings by the Council were well founded in fact. I argue that the assumption of such authority by courts to review decisions sourced in international institutions could be regarded as a move as revolutionary as Marbury v Madison and equivalent kairotic moments across domestic jurisdictions. It is not a move that should be made without significant thought being given to the legitimizing foundations of judicial authority in this context. When domestic and regional courts engage in such...

...and vague on modalities. In parallel, the UK‑France‑Germany trio (the E3) have triggered the UN “snapback” process to restore sanctions, with signals they could pause it if Iran restores full inspection access and re‑engages in U.S. nuclear talks. Meanwhile, Washington now characterizes the U.S. strikes as having degraded Iran’s capacity but likely only for “months,” even as it publicly presses for complete dismantlement of enrichment and reprocessing in Iran. Regionally, Iran’s retaliatory missile launch toward the U.S. Al Udeid base in Qatar (intercepted with no casualities) underscored the ease with...

...bothered to act upon these warnings. After the first wave of violence, the U.S. Government went so far as to lift a longstanding U.S. investment ban on Myanmar and, not long after that, lifted an import ban on Myanmar goods. Those sanctions, if left in place at the time, would not have been a silver bullet. No one believed then or now that the sanctions alone could have averted the disaster. Instead, the concern about the premature lifting of the sanctions at the time was the abysmal timing and the...

...such a resolution only holds political weight, and is not legally binding.  The US, UK, EU, Japan and Switzerland have resorted to imposing unilateral sanctions on a number of Russian oligarchs and Russian banks (removing them from SWIFT), as well as on the Russian Head of State, Vladimir Putin, and the Russian Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov, however, not all states have imposed the same sanctions (with the UK’s imposition being particularly slow), the legality of such autonomous sanctions is debatable under international law, and also their effectiveness is not fully...

The U.S. government announced a tough new set of economic sanctions on North Korea today, banning luxury goods believed to be favored by Kim Il Jung and his personal supporters. According to the AP, the banned goods include: “ipods, cognac, Rolex watches, cigarettes, artwork, expensive cars, Harley Davidson motorcycles or even personal watercraft, such as Jet Skis.” These new sanctions are actually imposed pursuant to a particular provision in the October U.N. Security Council Resolution authorizing new sanctions after North Korea’s nuclear test. In theory, these sanctions are aimed at...

...fuel supply and identify the responsible agencies and working groups. An app titled “Women, Peace & Security Handbook” provides a compendium of resolutions that address issues relevant to women, peace and security on topics such as: sexual exploitation, displacement, and participation. This app serves as a mini-handbook, providing up to date information on thematic trends within Security Council resolutions. A movement is now afoot to develop a new Sanctions App that would provide information to practitioners on the design of UN sanctions. According to preliminary materials distribution by the Swiss...

...and hard resources. Some States have made important moves, including South Africa and Nicaragua at the ICJ. Still others, like Spain and Belgium have imposed limited sanctions on Israel. But if the last 23 months of genocide shows us anything, it’s that the vast majority of other States – friend and foe alike – are still either unwilling or unable to do what is required to save the Palestinian people, no matter how bad things get.  Second, Palestine lacks the fundamental material, economic and human resources to defend itself. It...

...principled deviation from peacetime standards. A final reflection on the scope of jus post bellum comes from a related body of work I am engaged in on UN sanctions. In assessing the Security Council’s peacebuilding activities through the guise of sanctions, I have been struck by the extent to which the Security Council is an important player in the jus post bellum field. Although the Council’s actions are discretionary, sometimes inconsistent, and are not applied in a regular way to like-cases, the Council has, nonetheless, been involved in some way,...

...in the CITES Handbook as doing (Bodansky 2010). They may bring disputes before international tribunals in an effort to develop a jurisprudence on a relevant issue. Treaties do still constrain states, contestation notwithstanding. Some actions are so far beyond what any state would consider compliant that sanctions (at least of the reputational variety) are predictable enough to provide a deterrent. Moreover, as states’ expectations as to what constitutes compliance coalesce around particular understandings, the instrumental sanctions that von Stein describes (pp. 479-483) will likely become relatively more effective at generating...

...the largest burned areas had been punished through serious sanctions. The report stated that, ‘the Government of Indonesia claims to be serious about enforcing the law around forest fires, holding companies to account for fires on their land and deterring future fires. But this intention is not being implemented through a consistent and escalating use of serious civil/administrative sanctions against the offending companies.’ Prosecutors tending to push for lower charges is a further problem.What is more, even when serious sanctions are imposed by courts, there is weak enforcement. Greenpeace further...

...first adopted in Barayagwiza. Rather, it favors a more nuanced array of sanctions that can be calibrated to specific prosecutorial errors. She argues that the absolutist position does violence to the interests of victims, the desires of the international community and potentially the quest for peace and reconciliation. These values should not be sacrificed to generate greater prosecutorial discipline. Instead of adopting such blunt sanctions, Professor Turner ably argues that international courts and tribunals should consider and deploy a wider variety of sanctions, which can be better married to the...

...for example the procurement of DPRK-origin coal, or its STS transfer. Without domestic implementation, Setyamoko was able to successfully request the return of the illicit coal aboard the M/V Wise Honest (Case No. 682/Pid.B/2018/PN.BPP) and obtain authorisation to re-export the coal in breach, once again, of UNSC Resolutions and Indonesia’s obligations (below). As summarised by the Sanctions Committee: “The decision by the District Court to release the illicit coal and approve its re-export by the same broker who had facilitated the illegal transaction once again demonstrates the clear need for...