Search: crossing lines

...1901-1945 time frame. Here’s a quick description of the project as a whole: From its earliest decisions in the 1790s, the U.S. Supreme Court has used international law to help resolve major legal controversies. This book presents a comprehensive account of the Supreme Court’s use of international law from the Court’s inception to the present day. Addressing treaties, the direct application of customary international law and the use of international law as an interpretive tool, the book examines all the cases or lines of cases in which international law has...

...moral agency of those who practice violence is also at risk. To highlight these risks, we draw on Herbert C. Kelman’s work on mass atrocities. He recognised that a “historically rooted and situationally induced” hostility – often along racialized lines – forms a substantive element in systematic mass killing. The evidence of this in the Israeli response to the October 7 attacks is extensive. As Kelman further advises, however, other factors are also relevant in explaining the loss of moral inhibitions against violence. In his 1973 work on collective violence,...

...inquiry going to the merits. Remember, the Second Circuit dismissed the case sua sponte based on these two premises. In contrast, the D.C., Seventh, Ninth, and Eleventh Circuits have rejected corporate immunity under the ATS. While many commentators quickly observed that the Court did not explicitly rule on corporate liability, the majority opinion at least tacitly assumes the existence of corporate liability. As specific evidence of the Court’s recognition of corporate liability, some have pointed to one of the majority opinion’s concluding lines: “Corporations are often present in many countries,...

...around for a monarch to head his fictional kingdom, “King Boleslav” was the obvious choice. It was a harmonious relationship at first. Bolek allowed his signature to appear in the passports, and presided over royal events organised by Tomas, including a lavish coronation ceremony in the town of Vsetin in 2000. Soon afterwards, however, the relationship began to sour, and – listening to Tomas tell the story – the lines between fact and fiction once again become blurred. “The moment when King Boleslav became king, he started confusing this fiction...

...some observers that these deeper principles of criminal law are so embedded in domestic criminal law that domestic systems get them right, while the international law system runs the risk of ignoring them. True, I might have said something along these lines in Reclaiming Fundamental Principles of Criminal Law in the Darfur Case, co-authored with George Fletcher back in 2005. However, one should not overstate the point. We are talking about deeper principles of criminal law – principles that ought to be deep and abstract enough to apply across all...

...the State, such as “the levying of taxes, the organisation of elections, conscription for military service, and law enforcement” which would take precedence over services such as the delivery of mail or the provision of telephone lines or electricity (paras 341; 343). Implementation is pending, however, as Croatia does not recognise the 2017 Final Award due to illegal communication between the Slovenian government and the arbitrator nominated by Slovenia, although the Tribunal subsequently reconstituted thereby remedying Slovenia’s violation of the Arbitration Agreement. It is important to note that the Final...

...the UN in implementing Resolution 181(II)”, insinuating that Israel was the successor state to the Mandate or was born as a result of the UN’s plan. Israel’s Declaration of Independence led to war with its Arab neighbours and the ultimate signing of an Armistice known as the “Green Line”. According to the Opinion, this agreement did not “prejudice the rights, claims and positions of either Party hereto in the ultimate peaceful settlement of the Palestine question” and was “without prejudice to future territorial settlements or boundary lines or to claims...

...believe that it is always or even usually the case that the U.S (or any country) must do so. Is it always a good idea to create more domestic law and regulation on any subject regardless of the policy consequences? Why shouldn’t such decisions be made on a case-by-case basis (through our normal democratic and constitutional processes)? All of this suggests that lines about the U.S. “standing alone” and refusing to join the “rules that apply to the rest of the world” are a waste of time. If you want...

...provisions). In taking the example of businesses operating in proximity with the Israeli settlement enterprise, I would say that “bright lines” can be drawn. Through a robust reading of CA1, “home” States of businesses (as we refer to them) have an obligation to prevent their businesses from contributing to the settlement enterprise, amongst other IHL violations in situations of armed conflict. I felt the same about Eve Massingham’s contribution on weapons with the scope of CA1 in Chapter 8, which has been at the very heart of CA1 advocacy, particularly...

...and it is worth mentioning at the outset that it would have been very difficult to organise events in Turkish universities on certain ‘sensitive’ political issues. And yet, it is still worth asking what would happen if we tried to organise a two-day conference on the Question of Palestine in the UK, along the lines of the conference at Boğaziçi University, which addressed various topics including the occupation, resistance, apartheid, zionism, and the right of return. What institutional obstacles might arise, and could such an event even take place?  In...

...law (set out in Section 11.9.2) are also virtually identical to the 1956 version (§369): The Occupying Power may subject the population of the occupied territory to provisions: (1) that are essential to enable the Occupying Power to fulfill its obligations under the GC; (2) to maintain the orderly government of the territory; and (3) to ensure the security of the Occupying Power, of the members and property of the occupying forces or administration, and likewise of the establishments and lines of communication used by them. The Manual then lists...

...the language of international law is used by both leaders. Putin’s argument plays on American fears and worries but it is framed in the rhetoric of international law. There are some scare lines, such as: “A strike would increase violence and unleash a new wave of terrorism.” There is a description of a “reeling” Afghanistan where “no one can say what will happen after international forces withdraw.” And, he adds, don’t forget the divisions in Iraq and Libya. It is not in “America’s long-term interest” to have U.S. military intervention...