Search: Syria Insta-Symposium

...see this debate linked to a larger set of literatures. We hope that this symposium will encourage others to investigate the forces that have shaped regional integration projects around the world and to use evidence from ECOWAS to inform regional integration theory in general. Our article attempts to stay on firm empirical ground and to generate as complete and accurate an account of the ECOWAS Court’s transformation as one can have at this moment in time. But here is the rub—what does it mean to say “at this moment of...

Al kerrami Is this (Justice Symposium) gonna to say the truth about France, the KSA, Egypt, Russia, the UAE ...etc? Those countries who are making Libya as you said in your article. If you’re not going to tell the truth to the world and will end you (Justice Symposium) without any real solutions, please don’t do it; because talking is not enough for Libyans. Walid You forgot to mention Qatar and Turkey!...

Patrick S. O'Donnell Alas, this meaningless red line does have meaning after all: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/06/13/obama-syrian-rebels_n_3438625.html (influence of folks like Samantha Power?) For a few of the reasons we might be troubled by this, see Patrick Cockburn's piece on the Syrian war in the London Review of Books (6 June 2013). Jordan with respect to NATO, Turkey, Jordan, or the U.S. targeting chemical and biological weapons in Syria as well as support for the opposition at their request, please see Use of Military Force in Syria by Turkey, NATO, and the United...

...blog post tried to defend the Obama administration’s advocacy for an attack on Syria in August and September as well as the 78-day bombardment of Serbia in 1999. He said both could be compared to the desegregationist position in Brown v. Board of Education. The unlawful use of force in Kosovo and Syria was an attempt by the U.S. to change the law for the better. Koh’s position is flawed in many respects as respondents David Kaye and Carsten Stahn point out. The most basic logical flaw is that Koh...

...internet, twitter, insta, snapping.  Fads, causes, self-promotion: the on-line commentariat contributes to the deluge of marketing(s), the simplification of content, the discourse of sloganeering. And, to be sure, the ICC itself tweets and retweets. A lot. Isabella Banks has studied these (re)tweets. What does she find? That despite all the social mediaing, well, the ICC ‘made little to no effort to solicit feedback or generate dialogue on Twitter’. You called it well, Christine, it’s the top-down ‘training’ of others. I remember reading Marshall McLuhan and his medium is the message....

...that link doesn’t work] — there has been virtual silence from the international community about the 2007 strike on the Syrian nuclear facility at al-Kibar. Is that account accurate? I assume that because Israel has never acknowledged its purported involvement, it has also never offered an international law defense of the operation. (True?) Is it also the case that virtually no other nations have said anything one way or the other about its legality? If so, what, if anything, does the 2007 operation portend for the development of the law...

Aryeh Neier, recently retired president of the Open Society Institute (and former head of Human Rights Watch and the ACLU), has an opinion piece in Project Ricochet this week calling for a no-fly zone over Syria. He calls for it to be imposed by a regional force and NATO. The US would not lead the effort, though presumably it would participate via NATO – while providing backup, both material and political, another exercise in deliberately “leading from behind.” He is cautious about the US intervening militarily directly, and frames the...

...Al Qaeda’s authority over both ISIS and its rival Islamist group Al Nusra, neither group has been a model of compliance. In a videotaped aired by Al Jazeera two months ago, Zawahiri blamed the leaders of both groups for acting without the knowledge of the central al-Qaeda leadership, and ordered the re-organization of jihadist efforts in Syria and Iraq by abolishing ISIS and giving Al Nusra sole responsibility for Syria. ISIS, however, has shown no sign of curtailing its Syrian operations. Indeed, Foreign Policy separately reports that ISIS arrested, and...

...the Assad regime, but also because States beyond Russia and China have concerns about more ambitious measures in terms of both the implications for State sovereignty, and the possibility that such assistance could strengthen the hand of different non-State armed actors. As Trahan acknowledges, accountability and humanitarian measures are unlikely to halt mass atrocities by themselves. In a situation such as Syria, it is difficult to see how that could be achieved absent a use of force. Military intervention in Syria has of course been only fleetingly considered: I’d argue...

...by the duty (see the Bosnia v. Serbia Case, paras. 430–31).  While I largely agree with Dr. McDougall’s statement that: “I do not believe [this duty] would be applicable to the situation in Syria,” that is beside the point.  The book expressly notes the allegations of genocide in Syria relate to crimes against the Yazidis (p. 44; Chapter 5.1.3.5).  The relevant arguments related to most crimes in Syria are those pertaining to war crimes and crimes against humanity.  My book also discusses the situation in Myanmar, where the Genocide Convention...

Syria has agreed to comply with the demands of Security Council resolution 1636 and will cooperate with the Hariri investigation by allowing five Syrian government officials to be interviewed in UN offices in Vienna. This ends, for now, the Syrian stalemate with the Council, and avoids a follow on resolution that would likely have slapped sanctions against Syria. The progress of the Mehlis team investigating the Hariri murder and the Security Council’s robust response is significant, fairly rebutting Julian’s view that UN investigations tend to produce “muddy, often useless conclusions.”...