Search: Complementarity SAIF GADDAFI

In a post today at Commentary, Boot argues that Taylor’s arrest after going into exile makes it more likely that Gaddafi will fight to the death instead of negotiating a gracious exit from power: Once upon a time, an autocrat could step down and live out his days securely in the south of France or some other plush locale. That option still exists for some; for instance Tunisia’s deposed strongman, Ben Ali, is now in Saudi Arabia. Maybe he’s even taken over Idi Amin’s old villa. But Qaddafi is a...

...three first impressions from a recent conference at the US Naval Academy on the Ethics of Military Cyber Operations. Further on novel military operations, Ken Anderson posted a summary of his recent article, co-authored with Matthew Waxman, on the Law and Ethics for Robot Soldiers. Kevin Heller welcomed Communis Hostis Omnium, a blog on maritime piracy, to the blogosphere. He posted on Benjamin Netanyahu’s terrible week and analysed Libya’s challenge of the admissibility of the ICC cases against Gaddafi and Al-Senussi. He then addressed the question, raised in the comments...

...by any honest account, regime change. NATO air power was employed not to protect civilians in Benghazi but to provide decisive military support for armed opposition forces seeking to overthrow the Gaddafi government, a government that, whatever its character, remained the internationally recognized governing authority of Libya. When Gaddafi was captured and killed, and the government was dismantled, the Security Council mandate had long since been exceeded. The Libya case demonstrates that regime-change aggression can be disguised, legally laundered, as humanitarian intervention when the authorization is broad enough, and the...

...tangible effects that the conflict has imparted upon international peace and security, the international community failed to adopt robust measures to bring an end to such atrocities. The Libyan conflict assumed a contrasting trajectory through NATO’s timely military intervention and the ousting of long-standing dictator Muammar Gaddafi. The end result, however, was – and remains – a state of anarchy, also characterised by the continued commission of mass atrocity crimes. These and other developments prompted a critical reflection of international legal norms pertaining to human protection vis-à-vis the ‘responsibility to...

While the world waits to learn the fate of embattled Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, the trial of another former Mid East Leader, President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, is currently underway. In terms of international interest, Mubarak may be no Gaddafi. But since the Mubarak trial concerns the former President of a strategicly important country charged with ordering the killing of unarmed protesters challenging his rule, it has the potential to rank with some of the most important world trials of all time — Goering, Eichmann, Ceausescu, Milosevic, Saddam. On the...

...Jennifer Trahan analysed the merits of a referral and expressed some concerns about its implementation. Kevin also weighed in with a few thoughts. Jennifer’s comment then led Kevin to develop his argument that the Security Council cannot implicitly amend the ICC Statute, which triggered further discussion in the comments. Continuing on the ICC, Kevin posted why Saif Gadhafi’s first court appearance in Libya undermines the state’s arguments in its complementarity challenge at the ICC. In another post, Kevin was very critical about the decision by Judge Pohl rejecting the argument...

...at the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL), established to try those allegedly responsible for the killing of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in an explosion on 14 February 2005. I had the great honour of considering a John a good friend. I first got to know him during the Gaddafi case, when he and I regularly exchanged emails about Libya’s complementarity challenge. And then he encouraged me to join the Doughty Street team as an academic member. John was, quite simply, a wonderful person — warm, funny, supportive. I...

...Director of Jurisdiction Complementarity and Cooperation Division (JCCD). One suspected candidate for sanctions, a mid-level official in the OTP who is a Canadian national, was not included.  One academic and policy analyst in international justice, Mark Kersten, pointed out to me that, ‘Canada communicated that its citizens at the ICC should not be subject to US sanctions.’ One cannot be surprised, then, that the targeting of the two black African lawyers from The Gambia and Lesotho and exclusion of a Canadian national has created the perception among some that the...

...legislation and/or the International Criminal Court Act. In addition to this, it would be necessary to establish a mechanism to allow victims to communicate with authorities in the pre-trial phase. This could be included in the mandate of Arraf’s proposed permanent mechanism for the investigation of international crimes. The third option is to do nothing. The ICC was unconvinced by arguments in The Prosecutor v Saifal-Islam Gaddafi and Abdullah Al Senussi that the absence of guarantees for victim participation and reparations in the Libyan national system was a reason to...

...of Kenya against the ‘Decision on the Request for Assistance Submitted on Behalf of the Government of the Republic of Kenya Pursuant to Article 93(10) of the Statute and Rule 194 of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence'”, ICC-01/09-78, 10 August 2011, paras. 15-16; Prosecutor v. Gaddafi and Al-Senussi, ICC A. Ch., Decision on the admissibility of the “Appeal Against Decision on Application Under Rule 103” of Ms Mishana Hosseinioun of 7 February 2012, ICC-01/11-01/11-74, 9 March 2012, para. 10). That said, I think it might be worthwhile for the...

...and civil society (including Parliamentarians for Global Action) have been launched to remedy the ICC’s jurisdictional limitation, whilst the creation of the Special Tribunal has increasingly found itself in a political spotlight. One would think (and hope) that such development would prompt States to properly acknowledge how the limitations relating to jurisdictional issues – procedurally or substantively- may eventually backfire, and only lead to resorting to more cumbersome solutions.  Complementarity Laying down rules for an effective State-to-State cooperation, the Convention benefits all States, irrespective of their status to the Rome...

...the Court and its principals, who have sought to locate it as an apolitical institution; anchored solely in a legal world driven by the exercise of judicial and prosecutorial discretion, as appropriate. Contrastingly, Ba confronts this imagined narrative of political sterility over seven chapters by interrogating four key issues – strategic use of referrals by states, challenge of complementarity, limits to compliance and the ICC’s impact on local politics. Notably, some of Ba’s assertions support developing narratives around  the ICC and its States of Justice, as well as the state...