Search: extraterritorial sanctions

...the terms of, or practice, under the Charter. Perhaps most striking is the assertion that Chapter VII sanctions have never been applied to a non-proliferation crisis(p. 21), since most observers would likely view Security Council Resolution 687 (imposing economic sanctions on Iraq pending the destruction, removal or rendering harmless of WMD) as just that. And though the organization and writing of the paper are fairly clear, some parts are hard to follow, such as: “Key findings failures and breaches will oblige the board triggering sending the matter referral to the...

...the UN Charter. Given the clear conclusion in the 6 October 2006 Security Council Presidential Statement, expect the Council to at the very least impose some form of economic sanctions on North Korea. (The NYT reports that the Security Council will meet this morning to evaluate responses to the situation, and notes that the United States and Japan are already at work drafting a Chapter VII Security Council resolution.) North Korea has previously announced that the imposition of sanctions would be considered an “act of war” against the North, thus...

...as the death toll of protesters rose in March and April. Some consequences followed. The US, UK, EU, and Canada sanctioned junta leaders and major military enterprises, including its two main conglomerates, the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). But the sanctions’ toll on the military’s cash flow has not been enough. France and other governments have skirted the global call for sanctions on the massive foreign oil and gas revenues that bankroll the junta and its weapon purchases. Japan and Australia have done even less,...

...led to positive changes on the part of these states and, so far, no sanctions were triggered within the framework of this legislation (note, however, that the EU is threatening to adopt sanctions against the Faroe Islands on the basis of another Council Regulation on unsustainable fishing; see its press release). The EU Council Regulation is more ambitious than the MSRA in various respects: the scope of IUU fishing, the range of targeted states (not only flag states but also coastal states and port states) and the wide scope of...

...“unusual and extraordinary threat to national security and foreign policy of the United States.” The President issued the EO under the National Emergencies Act (NEA), the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) and the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) to authorize sweeping restrictions and punishment, including financial sanctions, civil fines and even criminal prosecution/imprisonment of persons and entities that engage with the ICC. The EO works on two levels. First, it authorizes the Secretary of State to list foreign individuals subject to the EO. That has not yet happened, and...

...are now left with a situation where the big sanctions, oil and gas, are still on the table but because of the level of dependency, there is real hesitation, in, for example, Berlin, doing anything about this. Why? Because of, simply, worry that the German economy will take too much of a further hit. Of course, sanctions always hurt the other side, but they also hurt the sanctioning side. What I see in Berlin at the moment is a very weak Coalition, a three-party coalition, and an extraordinarily weak Chancellor....

...14 October 2020, I filed final submissions to the UN Human Rights Committee (UNHRC) in the long-running Baltasar Garzón v. Spain case, which challenges the prosecution of a judge for his judicial decisions. As the Garzón case epitomizes a number of rule of law challenges of current global concern, including those in the Special Rapporteur’s report, this piece offers a few reflections on the correlation between the case and the report. The UN Special Rapporteur’s report makes clear that sanctions against judges take many forms. They may be civil, criminal...

...thing many will hear is the rhetoric of those trying to slice off successive pieces of Ukraine. That rhetoric, unanswered, can reinforce the beliefs of those who want to dismember Ukraine. For others, it may make it seem as if maybe Russia “has a point” and muddy the waters. In both instances, effective sanctions could be perceived as just another example of might overcoming right. And, rather than resolving the situation, the seeds for further conflict would be planted. While effective sanctions enforce norms, clear norms strengthen sanctions.    ...

...the use of economic sanctions against states accused of human rights violations. But there are instances in which it is quite predictable—for example, the use of trade sanctions for violations of the GATT. It is not outcasting that makes the legal system unpredictable per se; it is the willingness or unwillingness of states to use the available sanctions to enforce the law. That, in turn, depends on a variety of factors—factors that can sometimes be at least partially addressed by better designed outcasting sanctions (in ways we begin to discuss...

...or terminate sanctions on Iran while Congress “reviews” the agreement. Congress may vote a resolution of disapproval, which would prevent the President from lifting or waiving sanctions, but it doesn’t say he can’t enter into the Agreement. But Congress may also simply do nothing (which is what it has done), which would also allow the President to lift the sanctions after 90 days. Nothing in the Act says the President can’t enter into the Agreement. It just says, once he does so, he has to disclose that agreement to Congress...

...balance between the maintenance of (i) international peace and (ii) international security (para.131), suggesting that Courts will play a role in the collective security going forward, particularly where fundamental rights are at stake. Despite the improvements in the listing / delisting process represented by the creation of the UN Office of the Ombudsperson, the Court decides that UN processes do not “provide to the person whose name is listed on the Sanctions Committee Consolidated List … [with] the guarantee of effective judicial protection.” (133) This decision may set a new...

...waiver, Russia, China, and Cuba shared their COVID-19 vaccines with those who needed them. Last, Third World states deplore the grave human rights costs of economic sanctions (that special rapporteurs bemoan before the Human Rights Council). Half a million Iraqi children killed by sanctions may have been a price Madeleine Albright was willing to pay, but Third Worlders resent being repeatedly sacrificed at the alter of Pax Americana. Opposition to the sanctions regime is layered, nuanced, and principled; it is not a teenage grudge. Both past and ongoing brutalities are...