[Jan H. Dalhuisen is Professor at King’s College in London, the Miranda Chair of Transnational Financial Law at the Catholic University in Lisbon, and is Visiting Professor at UC Berkeley]
Professor Dalhuisen is guest-blogging with us this week on the transnationalization of private law. Links to his other posts can be found under "Related Posts" below.
The Codification idea, the DCFR as the EU attempt at codification, the EU jurisdiction in the area of private law formation, and especially the force and meaning of the academic model in the law need to be further considered if we are to acquire a better perspective on the formation of private law at the transnational level and therefore on the modern lex mercatoria.
It was already said that private law including commercial law had been thought of as being transnational until the 19
th Century especially on the European Continent. This was confirmed by the general acceptance of the Roman law as superior customary law even though in commerce there was local law but it was not nationalistic, it was often regional or municipal and could operate cross border. The laws in the Channel ports between France and England and across the Alps between France and Italy were already
mentioned.
Again, the dominance of national states since the early 19
th Century changed all that. The right insight was here that law moved with society and its values. The latter had already been accepted in the natural law school which philosophy was now, however, rejected because of its universalist claims. Instead the law was nationalized everywhere. Moving with society soon meant on the European Continent a monopoly for national legislators. Overriding principles were out, custom was suspect. Party autonomy depended on the license of the state. Even in England, the law was henceforth thought to issue from the sovereign (Austin), albeit still mainly through the courts. Other sources of law, custom in particular became here also of dubious value. Only in commerce its value was still acknowledged but the status in particular of international custom became unclear.
In this atmosphere, it became also axiomatic that property law operated per country. If one bicycled from Basel to Strasbourg, the bicycle went through three different legal regimes of ownership. The law of assignment was no less seen as an expression of a national culture. It seemed unnecessary if not bizarre in economic systems that were largely the same. The codes underscored this but it is important to understand that the codification movement had two different prongs. The early codification in France (1804) was product of Enlightenment and largely a cleaning out exercise which was found to be best conducted at the level of the state. It was a question of greater transparency and efficiency and lesser transaction costs. Nationalism was not a key element and this allowed the French code to spread fast through neighbouring countries. The fact that other sources of law were eliminated was foremost pragmatic. The German Code which came about hundred years later was conceptually very different and the product of German nationalism and idealism. It claimed for the state the deeper insights in the human condition and the ability through its academies to best regulate human behaviour. Codification is here an academic model and its system acquired a mystical and irrational element. The claim was that the result was complete, represented the reality of human relationships and had the answer in it to all questions present, past and future. It could as such not be questioned because it was the law imposed by the state. All other sources of law were subjugated to it. They had no independent status because they were not considered legitimate without governmental recognition.