D.C. Circuit Speaks on Gitmo Habeas Merits
Cross-posted at Balkinization
The new year starts with no shortage of Gitmo-related matters to blog about, starting with today’s important decision from a panel of the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals ruling (for the first time) on the merits of one of the few dozen decided Gitmo habeas petitions. The ruling, affirming the lower court’s decision to deny habeas to a Yemeni detainee, is here.
There a host of interesting holdings here – both on the question of who may be detained under the 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF), and to what procedures they are entitled in determining their status. But the panel’s ruling on how to interpret the AUMF – namely, that the meaning of the AUMF is not constrained or apparently informed by the international law of war (IHL) – is one of the most troubling highlights.
Before embarking on its analysis of who may be detained under the AUMF, the panel majority writes: “The international laws of war as a whole have not been implemented domestically by Congress and are therefore not a source of authority for U.S. courts.” While “the international laws of war are helpful to courts when identifying the general set of war powers to which the AUMF speaks …, their lack of controlling legal force and firm definition render their use both inapposite and inadvisable when courts seek to determine the limits of the President’s war powers.”
Not entirely clear exactly what this means, but let’s start with what this says about the state of judicial deference to executive interpretations of international law. The Obama Administration, after all, had squarely taken the position in briefing the Gitmo cases that IHL directly informs the interpretation of the AUMF. (The Administration also just succeeded in persuading Congress to delete from the latest version of the Military Commissions Act language from the Act’s 2006 version that prohibited so much as the invocation of the Geneva Conventions as a source of law in any U.S. court.) Given how much time courts – especially the D.C. Circuit – have devoted historically to explaining how the President is entitled to deference by the courts on matters of foreign affairs and national security, curious at least that the Administration’s view of this particular question evidently merited no such attention.
Then there’s the matter of the accuracy of the panel’s sweeping – and gratuitous – statement that the international laws of war are not a source of authority for U.S. courts. Set aside the fact that the executive disagrees. And the fact that a majority of the Supreme Court justices in Hamdi also thought international law informed the AUMF’s interpretation. Even the Supreme Court’s recent Medellin decision – with its suspect and starkly limited understanding of the effect of treaties in federal court – seemed to understand that whether or not a treaty is “self-executing” or not (i.e. whether it is a source of authority in U.S. courts) depends not only on the particular treaty but also on the particular provision within the treaty. The D.C. Circuit panel doesn’t pretend to undertake any such analysis. Rather, it finds simply “no occasion… to quibble over the intricate application of vague treaty provisions and amorphous customary principles.” It may be true that IHL ultimately provides inconclusive guidance in settling the legality of detention in a particular case. But the panel here reached out far beyond that in waving aside the Geneva Conventions – and any other source of international law – in their entirety. Poorly done. And rich fodder for appeal.