Search: kony 2012
21 Sep A Common Prayer: Religious Sensibilities and the Sentencing of Pussy Riot
...understandable: not only is the footage of the offending conduct barely comprehensible, but the particulars of the charge are not accessible to the mainstream English speaking media. So, because (or perhaps in spite) of the fact that few legal commentators know how the prosecution case was put, the most interesting questions have not yet been asked. One person started asking before the sentence was passed. In her article “The Pussy Riot Act” (The St Petersburg Times on 8 August 2012), Michele A. Berdy provided a translation of the indictment for...15 Feb Vacancy: ICJ Law Clerks
The ICJ has asked us to post the following job announcement for law clerks at the ICJ — which are, needless to say, among the very best positions available to a young international lawyer. Vacancy announcement Date of issuance: 8 February 2012 Deadline for applications: 10 April 2012 Post title: Law Clerk to Judges of the Court (Associate Legal Officer) (2 positions) Grade: P-2 Vacancy Announcement Number: 2012-02 Duty Station: International Court of Justice, The Hague, Netherlands Organizational unit: Department of Legal Matters Indicative minimum net annual remuneration (including post...
17 Nov Disrupting Global Patriarchy: Why Gender Diversity at the International Court of Justice Matters for Africa and the World
...national nomination stages. In 2012, Judge Julia Sebutinde made history as the fourth woman to be elected to the bench of the ICJ in over 60 years of the Court’s existence. Sebutinde’s election was remarkable for reasons beyond her gender: she was also the first woman from the African continent to be elected to the ICJ, compared to the 14 African male judges who sat on that court before her. As an international judge, Sebutinde’s appointment signaled the intersections of race, gender, geographical location, and other intersectional identities that women...07 Jan Recent Developments in Official Act Immunity
[William S. Dodge is Professor of Law and Associate Dean for Research at the University of California, Hastings College of the Law. From August 2011 to July 2012, he served as Counselor on International Law to the Legal Adviser at the U.S. Department of State, where he worked on immunity matters. The views expressed here are his own and do not necessarily reflect the views of the State Department or of the United States.] The Fourth Circuit’s November 2, 2012 decision in Yousuf v. Samantar has generated discussion by Professor...22 Mar Inaugurating ASIL IDEAS
...less than a week away, we’re very excited to announce our first three ASIL IDEAS talks. Here are the descriptions: Thursday, March 29, 2012 11:00 am – 11:30 am Roosevelt Speaker: Rebecca MacKinnon, Global Voices; New America Foundation Topic: Consent of the Networked: The Worldwide Struggle for Internet Freedom “A global struggle for control of the Internet is now underway,” argues Rebecca MacKinnon, Bernard L. Schwartz Senior Fellow at the New America Foundation. For MacKinnon, who conducts research, writing and advocacy on global Internet policy, free expression, and the impact...03 Nov Making Sense of the Fourth Circuit’s Decision in Samantar
[William S. Dodge is Professor of Law and Associate Dean for Research at the University of California, Hastings College of the Law. From August 2011 to July 2012, he served as Counselor on International Law to the Legal Adviser at the U.S. Department of State, where he worked on the amicus brief of the United States to the Fourth Circuit in Yousuf v. Samantar. The views expressed here are his own and do not necessarily reflect the views of the State Department or of the United States.] On November 2,...
05 May Symposium on the UNWCC: Ethiopia, Italy and the Archives of Selective Justice
...exactly what Haile Selassie or others sought to achieve in engaging with the UNWCC through Ethiopia’s Swedish legal adviser, Erik Leijonhufvud (Donaldson 2022) (recent oral history interviews might assume too much concern with prosecutions in the larger scheme of postwar diplomacy (e.g. Imru Zelleke 2012, 16–17)). Debates in London Ethiopian efforts to submit cases to the UNWCC gave rise to a preliminary question: was the Italo-Ethiopian conflict even within the UNWCC’s jurisdiction? Though China had been keen to ensure Manchuria could be considered, the UNWCC’s assumed focus had been 1939...
24 Aug The Latin American Approach to FDI Law and Policy: An Outdated, Biased Vision Remains on Board
...the same, and states continued celebrating when they were the top receivers of FDI in their regions. This was indisputably a good signal for private and public actors. This ‘quantitative’ model has not been a success, however. In the last three decades, the contribution of FDI to sustainable development remains debatable. For one, positive spillover effects depend on several factors, while these capital flows can also have negative implications, such as crowding out domestic firms (Colen et al 2012). The relationship between FDI and inequality can also be problematic (Piketty...16 Nov The Legality of Pardons in Latin America (Part I)
...to provide: when exactly can reduction of punishment constitute impunity and when can it not. Hence, for the Court, peace negotiations to end conflict would indeed constitute a “clearly identifiable objective compatible with the American Convention” that warrants a softening of proportionality. This conclusion has been gaining traction in the Court’s jurisprudence, particularly thanks to the Colombian experience with the FARC. For example, in the 2012 El Mozote v. El Salvador case, not very long after the initiation of negotiations with the FARC, five judges appended a Concurring Opinion, very...27 Sep HILJ Symposium: Ozan Varol Responds
...L. Rev. (forthcoming 2012). William Partlett’s response expands on these theoretical questions and places them within the concrete context of post-communist Europe and, most recently, Egypt. For example, Partlett notes the role that the Supreme Constitutional Court and the military have played in curbing the rise of political Islam in Egypt. I largely agree with Partlett’s observations, but I would argue that the military’s actions are best understood, not as an ideological reaction to political Islam, but through a self-interest paradigm. In fact, in the immediate aftermath of the 2011...