Search: Affective Justice: Book Symposium: A Response

...kill. Goodman has now responded with a long post of his own in which he claims that my post is “riddled with errors.” I don’t have time to recapitulate the entire debate; interested readers should head to Lawfare. (Bobby Chesney’s introduction to Goodman’s most recent response contains links to all of the contributions.) I also don’t have time to respond to all of my supposed errors. Instead, in this post, I simply want to address three of Goodman’s most problematic claims, all of which are based on selective quotation of...

...that the 2005 definition of a PHEIC in Article 1(1) IHR as an ‘extraordinary event’ in one state which is determined to ‘(i) constitute a public health risk to other States through the international spread of disease’ and ‘(ii) to potentially require a coordinated international response’ has long been plagued by vagueness – are exacerbated by the amendments. No clear ‘severe’ or ‘life-threatening’ disease benchmarks have been included through the amendments in Article 1 IHR or the decision instrument in Annex 2 to be applied in accordance with the principles...

The following is a guest-post by Gabor Rona, the International Legal Director of Human Rights First. It is a response to a post at LieberCode by Jens Ohlin, a Professor at Cornell Law School, that argues international human rights law (IHRL) does not apply in armed conflict, because it is displaced by international humanitarian law (IHL). Prof. Ohlin’s conclusion that IHRL doesn’t (and shouldn’t) apply in armed conflict cannot survive a more than superficial look at the lay of the legal and practical landscape. Essentially, his horse left the barn...

victim representatives who play a key role in monitoring State responses to unlawful killings and in carrying out documentation when States fail to act. A unique feature of these trainings (compared to other trainings justice sector actors may receive on investigations) is that they begin by framing the discussion in international human rights law and standards, including the obligations of States and the rights of victims. Over the past three years, the Global Accountability Initiative and the ICJ’s Latin America regional program has focussed on accountability for serious human rights...

...since “it is the firm position of the Obama Administration that suspected terrorists arrested inside the United States will—in keeping with long-standing tradition—be processed through our Article III courts, as they should be,” and that “when it comes to U.S. citizens involved in terrorist-related activity, whether they are captured overseas or at home, we will prosecute them in our criminal justice system.” As the President reiterated today, “my Administration will not authorize the indefinite military detention without trial of American citizens. Indeed, I believe that doing so would break with...

...with the Argentine courts. Both the societal and global response to the pacto del olvido and the lack of criminal proceedings encouraged the implementation of alternative transitional justice measures and the enactment of state and regional legislation advancing the principles of truth, reparations and accountability – among them, two national Memory Acts. The first one, the Historical Memory Act 52/2007 of 2007, made relevant progress by explicitly acknowledging the unjust nature of all convictions, sanctions and violence based on political, ideological, or religious grounds during the Civil War or the...

political implications, including in the application of reparations. Reparations are formal efforts to redress grave injustices—such as slavery, genocide, apartheid, colonialism, or persecution—through material and symbolic means. Over time, the understanding of who qualifies as a legitimate victim often evolves as awareness is expanded through social movements’ political advocacy on behalf of those most affected. While genocide accountability for Palestinians may be temporally limited to recent acts, such as those committed since October 2023, apartheid accountability would acknowledge a longstanding, systemic injustice—opening pathways for reparative justice that affects tens of...

evidence, and selects crimes, suspects, and charges. This is the first in a two-part post which considers the Court’s early stages of proceedings, first from the perspective of victims, and then from the perspective of defendants. We ask whether current approaches to the oversight of the ICC’s early stages are fit for purpose: both in terms of living up to rhetoric about victim-centred justice, and for safeguarding fundamental rights held by its defendants. Our analysis concludes that without clearer regulations, procedural safeguards, and meaningful access to justice, the Court risks...

her judgements and her dissents. In United States v. Virginia, 518 U.S. 515 (1996), Justice Ginsburg wrote the majority opinion, finding that the Virginia Military Institute’s (VMI) exclusion of women from its educational opportunities denied equal protection to women. Twenty years after VMI began admitting women, there were 63 female cadets in the 2017 intake. In one of her famous dissents, in Ledbetter v. Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co., 550 U.S. 618 (2007), Justice Ginsburg pointed out the problem with the existing time limit on women’s ability to make a...

[Dr. Aaron Matta is an expert in international law with working experience at International Courts. He also recently co-founded The Hague Council on Advancing International Justice , a network for and with practitioners, academics, and policymakers in the area of international justice. I would like to thank Dr. Philip Ambach and Anda Scarlat for their feedback on earlier drafts of this commentary.The views expressed here are of the authors alone] After nearly three years since the downing of the Malaysia Airlines MH17 flight, the countries comprising the Joint Investigation Team...

The International Court of Justice has just read its judgment on preliminary objections in the Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (The Gambia v. Myanmar). This is a brief note based on the reading of the judgment, based on my twitter thread ‘live tweeting’ the judgment and does not delve into the details of the legal argumentation – it is meant to give a quick overview of the judgment of the court. The case was initiated by The Gambia in November 2019...

...in a peace settlement that will ultimately save lives requires ceding painful concessions to that villain’s power, especially when the concession is justice. And, yet, we know that true peace is never really achieved without justice.  It is possible that meaningful justice is not found in the actual legal judgements of tribunals, anyway, but the many social processes and political institutions that courts create a space for in the aftermaths of atrocities. And, for that matter, any sense of justice that victims and survivors gain from tribunals usually does not have much to do...