Search: Affective Justice: Book Symposium: A Response

...Uganda 60. Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA), Nairobi, Kenya 61. Foundation for Human Rights & Democracy (FOHRD), Monrovia, Liberia 62. Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI), Uganda 63. Greater Northern Uganda Transitional Justice Working Group (GNTJWG), Gulu, Uganda 64. Group JEREMIE, Bukavu, DRC 65. Groupe Lufalanga Pour La Justice et La Paix, Makiso, DRC 66. Gulu NGO Forum, Uganda 67. Héritiers de la justice, Bukavu, DRC 68. Human Rights and Documentation Centre (HRDC), Windhoek, Namibia 69. Human Rights and Protection Forum (HRPF), Monrovia, Liberia 70. Human Rights Concern – Eritrea...

bearing beyond these hearings. Coupmakers who slaughter their own people have no claim to authority, moral or otherwise. Meanwhile, avenues for justice remain rare and hard won. These proceedings are still a landmark chance to make the military answer for its crimes and build accountability, for Rohingya and all of Myanmar’s people. Gambia’s legal team underscored how the International Court of Justice is right now the only stage for justice where the military has been willing to engage: “There is presently no national or international body or institution of any kind to which Myanmar’s...

...‘ultimately contribute to the attainment of international peace’; a framing that presumed that the ‘justice’ of the ICC would be one response amongst many to address conflict and attain ‘peace’, if not an instrumentto that end. Ten years later, in July 2008, the choice between these two possibly competing ends was sharply posed when the Prosecutor requested an arrest warrant for President Al-Bashir and the AU responded immediately by requesting the deferral of the proceedings (arguing that ‘the search for justice should be pursued in a way that does not...

agree with Professor Heller that there is a “cult of transitional justice,” much as there is a cult of international justice. I, however, do not think I am a part of either. Professor Heller seems to suggest, based upon a remark I made in the context of a much larger submission in a debate concerning my book, that I categorically support (“uncritically valorize”) non-penal transitional justice processes. This isn’t so. As is clear from my book, the work is actually about the potential for penal justice (not non-penal transitional justice)...

Jay Treaty in the 1790s, members of Congress were drawing this connection, and Congress relied on this power in the extradition and trademark context long before the Supreme Court decisions in Neely v. Henkel and Missouri v. Holland. In indicating that he would overrule Justice Harlan’s unanimous holding in Neely and Justice Holmes’s holding for the Court in Missouri with respect to the treaty-implementing power, Justice Scalia complained that these holdings lacked citation. I don’t think he intended irony, but I cannot help seeing it. For in stretching to hold...

(or indeed preferable) for international criminal adjudication. In this sense, I could not agree more with Professor Drumbl’s calls for incorporation of indigenous and traditional systems of justice into the international model. I would caution, however, that to the extent the wells of traditional, indigenous justice have been poisoned by a culture of impunity, we should always keep our focus on the due process features mandated by bedrock principles of human rights. In my article, I point out that experts have generally classified justice systems into three separate categories: domestic...

stake. The confluence of economic growth, improved technology, outcome oriented international organisations and goal oriented international norms to solve shared global challenges was the perfect combination of forces leading to organisations such as the ICC (Davis et al, 2012). As this book reflects, it is only after its formation that expectations are challenged when met with the reality of its work. Ba’s book is worth more than a read. While it provides settled and new conclusions, it does invite disagreements, and this perhaps is the hallmark of a distinctive publication....

[Dr. Matthew Saul is a Research Fellow at the Norwegian Centre for Human Rights and Lecturer at Durham University, UK (on leave)] This is the third response in our Symposium on the Functional Approach to the Law of Occupation. Earlier posts can be found in the Related Links at the end of this post. Thank you to all of my fellow symposium participants for a very interesting set of posts. This symposium has clearly raised a number of very important issues. One point that I find particularly interesting is the...

...was largely rhetorical, The Paquete Habana being the leading exception where the Court really did look to state practice to determine the content of customary international law. Second, there is a great deal of attention to “why” questions in the book. Individual authors address a number of the questions that Anderson raises and others too. What the book does not attempt to do is to view the history of international law in the Supreme Court through a single lens. Had the editors tried to impose a single viewpoint on our...

...in the pursuit of global justice, something that surely keeps the dreamers of international criminal justice up at night. It really wasn’t supposed to go this way. The ICC was meant to be a shining star in the liberal cosmopolitan trajectory which instructed the peoples of the world that no one could hide behind state sovereignty anymore. What mattered in global politics and ethics wasn’t still supposed to be states over all else. Slowly, but surely, the post-WWII global conscience was intended to wither away the rigidity of statehood as...

...OTP’s findings should be revisited. This contribution argues the OTP should pay a qualified deference to decisions of Israel’s Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice (“HCJ”) when conducting complementarity analysis with respect to a potential settlements case. We argue that this position is consistent with a textual interpretation of the Rome Statute, the Court’s jurisprudence to date, and sound policy reasons too. Complementarity and the Rome system of justice The Rome Statute contemplates a system of justice which is essentially based on two pillars. The first is...

demise, coincident with Rwandan criminal justice system reform initiatives, is motivated in part by the government’s efforts to make extradition to Kigali look like a more attractive option to Europeans harboring genocide suspects — not that gacaca is used for such suspects but general justice system appearances can be important). I noted, and academic literature has amply explored, the Frankenstein monster assemblage of a local, non-systematized, oral-tradition civil dispute mechanism (traditional gacaca) with a codified, state-centric criminal justice bureaucracy (what the Rwandan government has been operating). Clearly, traditional gacaca was...