Search: Affective Justice: Book Symposium: A Response

...diffusion through democracy lead us to expect global convergence or regional silos? Both Rachel Brewster and Anu Bradford correctly note that my book focuses in large part on the expansion of social policies. What happens when instead of advocating for the expansion of social programs, international organizations such as the IMF and the EU, as well as foreign governments, advocate for austerity? As some of the book’s case studies are drawn from Southern Europe, this is a great question to ask at a moment when South European governments are making...

[Darryl Robinson is an Associate Professor at Queen’s University Faculty of Law (Canada), specializing in international criminal justice.] I am deeply grateful to each of the scholars who have contributed to this symposium. Together they have produced a wonderful collection of insightful reactions. I also thank Opinio Juris, and in particular Kevin Heller and Jessica Dorsey, for hosting this exchange. Justice in Extreme Cases is about the criminal law theory of international criminal law (ICL). The project grows out of my PhD studies at Leiden University, and was given helpful...

its negative implications when the same Boris Johnson government had a national competing for perhaps the most important and visible international criminal justice position in the world: Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). UK Barrister Karim Khan has now been elected. The result is that the states parties to the ICC have rewarded a country that is undermining international justice. And some of the other players in the international community let it happen, without raising their voices. There is no question the UK is pleased the next Prosecutor will...

[Elies van Sliedregt is professor of international and comparative criminal law at Leeds University and Director of its Centre for Criminal Justice Studies (CCJS) and she is senior editor of the Leiden Journal of International Law and a member of the Royal Holland Society of Sciences and Humanities.] This is an awesome book. The sort of book I wish I had written. When I researched individual criminal responsibility in ICL some 20 years ago, I used a comparative and domestic criminal law lens through which to understand international concepts and...

long past the 1993 Constitution and René’s resignation, however. It held power until a month ago, when for the first time in the country’s history the opposition won both the presidency and a majority in the National Assembly. TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE IN SEYCHELLES Written on widely throughout the past few decades, the idea of “transitional justice” was born between World War I and the Cold War era in response to heightened levels of governmental transitions in the Americas, Eastern Europe, and Africa, spurred by the fear that previous regimes would not...

[Shana Tabak is a Visiting Associate Professor of Clinical Law at The George Washington University Law School, where she is also a Friedman Fellow with the International Human Rights Clinic.] Although the field of transitional justice has made great strides in addressing harms perpetrated against women in the aftermath of conflict, this paper argues that transitional justice mechanisms mistakenly rely on three false dichotomies with regard to the role of gender in conflict. In order for transitional justice mechanisms to achieve success in reordering society, promoting justice, and overcoming past...

agree with Professor Heller that there is a “cult of transitional justice,” much as there is a cult of international justice. I, however, do not think I am a part of either. Professor Heller seems to suggest, based upon a remark I made in the context of a much larger submission in a debate concerning my book, that I categorically support (“uncritically valorize”) non-penal transitional justice processes. This isn’t so. As is clear from my book, the work is actually about the potential for penal justice (not non-penal transitional justice)...

to inclusive heritage justice. In this regard, transitional justice mechanisms may help, especially for addressing repatriation procedures involving human remains acquired within a colonial context. Recently a UN report included colonial violence in transitional justice, widening its application in countries who juggle with colonial history. If the four pillars of transitional justice were to be applied to human remains, it would mean: (1) in terms of seeking the truth, acknowledging the circumstances and context that led to the illegitimate acquisition of human remains and the connected crimes; (2) concerning the...

(or indeed preferable) for international criminal adjudication. In this sense, I could not agree more with Professor Drumbl’s calls for incorporation of indigenous and traditional systems of justice into the international model. I would caution, however, that to the extent the wells of traditional, indigenous justice have been poisoned by a culture of impunity, we should always keep our focus on the due process features mandated by bedrock principles of human rights. In my article, I point out that experts have generally classified justice systems into three separate categories: domestic...

Jay Treaty in the 1790s, members of Congress were drawing this connection, and Congress relied on this power in the extradition and trademark context long before the Supreme Court decisions in Neely v. Henkel and Missouri v. Holland. In indicating that he would overrule Justice Harlan’s unanimous holding in Neely and Justice Holmes’s holding for the Court in Missouri with respect to the treaty-implementing power, Justice Scalia complained that these holdings lacked citation. I don’t think he intended irony, but I cannot help seeing it. For in stretching to hold...

remains a persistent challenge across EU Member States. The findings of the ACCESS Project, based on research conducted between 2024 and 2026, which examined the experiences of “children in conflict with the law” in Belgium, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, the Netherlands, Poland, and Slovakia, higlighted such a challenge. Through national research, comparative analysis, and transnational exchanges with judges, lawyers, social workers, prosecutors, and other justice professionals, the project identified persistent gaps between legal standards and the realities experienced by children either as suspects or accused within the criminal justice systems...

bearing beyond these hearings. Coupmakers who slaughter their own people have no claim to authority, moral or otherwise. Meanwhile, avenues for justice remain rare and hard won. These proceedings are still a landmark chance to make the military answer for its crimes and build accountability, for Rohingya and all of Myanmar’s people. Gambia’s legal team underscored how the International Court of Justice is right now the only stage for justice where the military has been willing to engage: “There is presently no national or international body or institution of any kind to which Myanmar’s...