Search: palestine icc

...obtainable. Such double-standards are anathema to the functioning of a judicial institution. Facing the challenges ahead No one believes the Afghanistan investigation will be easy.  It will be complex, remote from The Hague, costly, and could result in adverse political repercussions by those who do not want to see the investigation proceed.  The Appeals Chamber, however is sending an important signal that the ICC should not be dissuaded from carrying out its mandate even in such circumstances. The ICC States Parties must now ensure that the Prosecutor has sufficient funding...

...between the ICC and the AU (for a debate: ICC Forum, Africa and the International Criminal Court). Against this background, moderating a recent panel in Strasbourg—organised by Switzerland as a CAHDI side event—brought these questions back into focus and prompted the reflections that follow. They do not seek to provide a faithful account of the discussion, but to identify some of the key legal points that emerged, to which I have added a number of personal considerations. A first point concerns the relationship between peace processes and the pursuit of...

This op-ed by a former ICTY and ICTR prosecutor argues that the ICC should move, at least some of their hearings and trials, to locations closer to the site of the alleged crimes. In the case of the ICC, this means spending some of the $600 million it has spent so far on facilities in Africa, where all of its current prosecutions are taking place. The Hague. . .is more than 6,000 kilometers away. Systematically holding trials at that distance makes no sense. Criminal justice in practice is an intensively...

bade the Court a festive farewell. Disappointingly, no planned ICC statement followed. The ICC spokesperson’s curt and enigmatic response to the journalists’ queries (see BBC, AP, Al Jazeera and communications to Benjamin Dürr and Anna Holligan) only thickened the plot. The spokesperson intimated that an announcement regarding the results of the Burundi preliminary examination would be made in due course in accordance with the OTP’s practice. More controversially, he asserted that ‘the Burundi withdrawal does not affect the jurisdiction of the Court with respect to the crimes alleged to have...

it would probably see doing so as an acknowledgment of the investigation’s legitimacy — it will no doubt rely on Mike Newton’s argument in the Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law that the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) between Afghanistan and the United States precludes the ICC from exercising jurisdiction over American soldiers. (The SOFA presumably doesn’t apply to CIA operatives, who are not part of the US armed forces.) Oversimplifying a bit, Mike argues that Afghanistan has no jurisdiction that it can delegate to the ICC, because the SOFA provides...

different problems, and the role of the ICC and other international organizations is probably not on the top of the list. But it is far from trivial if Iraq signs the ICC treaty, since it will be exposing both U.S. and its own military forces (currently engaged in a desparate anti-insurgent struggle) to oversight by the ICC. This may or may not be a good thing depending on one’s faith in the judgment of the ICC, but it is certainly a rather large and dangerous step for Iraq’s interim government....

[Sara Kendall is a Senior Lecturer in International Law at The University of Kent in the Faculty of Law. She is also Co-Director of The Centre for Critical International Law.] In early March 2020, the US Secretary of State Michael Pompeo gave a press briefing concerning the ICC Appeals Chamber’s decision on Afghanistan. As is widely known by Opinio Juris’s readership, the ICC’s prosecutor aimed to investigate alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity on the territory of Afghanistan as well as other crimes linked to the situation, which could...

of the ICC practice in relation to the complementarity assessment are evident. Therefore, judicial review is required in view of the dramatic impact of the adopted complementarity assessment, on the present situation and beyond it, as the overly restrictive approach adopted by the Prosecutor in this situation may have grave consequences for other preliminary examinations and investigations. In light of the above, a new determination on the issue will only reinforce the Court and enhance confidence in the ICC Prosecutor’s independence, as the request notes referring also to the strong...

...apparent than in Clarke’s comparison of the ICC and the African Court. The ICC is not, in Clarke’s account, a-political but it appears to many as a “corruption of justice” (173) because it does not seek to identify and redress the deep conditions of violence in Africa. Indeed the politics of the ICC are politics in the derogatory sense: the ICC represents political interests of the global north, holding African but not European leaders accountable for violence and thereby undermining African political and economic self-determination (170). This is the so-called...

[Emma Irving is an Assistant Professor of Public International Law at the Grotius Centre for International Legal Studies of Leiden University] The ICC’s most recent arrest warrant, issued on the 15th August 2017, should have us all talking for one important reason: it is the first ICC arrest warrant to be based largely on evidence collected from social media. This was a move that was bound to come, and it aligns the ICC with the realities of many of today’s conflicts. The ICC arrest warrant in question was issued against...

...from the specter of colonialism, the pervasive fear of double-standards to the detriment of Africans and what Mutua Makau famously calls the metaphor of “savages, victims and saviors”? After all, we should not forget that many will view the Lubanga judgment as confirmation that, to cite Rwandan President Paul Kagame, the ICC is “a new form of imperialism created by the West to control the world’s poorest countries.” This, in my view, is clearly over-stated, but it is hard to turn a blind eye to some facets of the ICC’s...

to which Julian linked (and I thank Julian for the link), Obama, during the campaign, never expressed strong support for the ICC. He expressed his intention to review ICC policy but always framed it in a way that suggested he had no intention of actually pursuing Rome Statute ratification. But I wouldn't say it's a continuation of Bush-style ICC rejectionism but rather another example of Obama-style have-your-cake-and-eat-it-too-ism. The U.S. will support the ICC, using it as a tool to serve U.S. interests when possible while never submitting to its jurisdiction....