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This op-ed by a former ICTY and ICTR prosecutor argues that the ICC should move, at least some of their hearings and trials, to locations closer to the site of the alleged crimes. In the case of the ICC, this means spending some of the $600 million it has spent so far on facilities in Africa, where all of its current prosecutions are taking place. The Hague. . .is more than 6,000 kilometers away. Systematically holding trials at that distance makes no sense. Criminal justice in practice is an intensively...

The story coming out of Uganda bears emphasis for its impact on the ICC doctrine of complementarity. Under Article 17 of the Rome Statute, “the Court shall determine that a case is inadmissible where … [t]he case is being investigated or prosecuted by a State which has jurisdiction over it, unless the State is unwilling or unable genuinely to carry out the investigation or prosecution.” The ICC website indicates that “the International Criminal Court will complement national courts so that they retain jurisdiction to try genocide, crimes against humanity and...

digital information creates challenges for ICC investigators, who need to identify, collect, and preserve relevant evidence hidden in a sea of information that is vulnerable to alteration or destruction, while navigating an environment filled with mis and disinformation. This volume and vulnerability of digital information also creates challenges for the judges, who must assess the admissibility and weight of digital evidence. Focusing on the procedures and practices at the ICC, we recently published an article in a Special Volume of the Journal of International Criminal Justice that considers whether the...

...apparent than in Clarke’s comparison of the ICC and the African Court. The ICC is not, in Clarke’s account, a-political but it appears to many as a “corruption of justice” (173) because it does not seek to identify and redress the deep conditions of violence in Africa. Indeed the politics of the ICC are politics in the derogatory sense: the ICC represents political interests of the global north, holding African but not European leaders accountable for violence and thereby undermining African political and economic self-determination (170). This is the so-called...

implications, particularly on issues of burden and standard of proof. The ICC has not produced significant jurisprudence on these issues in its first eleven years of existence. Decisions on issues of complementarity have focused on the technical interpretation of statutory provisions, usually in challenges brought by defendants. To a large extent, this is the result of the prevalence of “self-referrals” in those situations which have been brought to the Court, meaning that the relevant states have not sought challenge the prosecutions brought in the ICC. In the few non-self-referred situations...

different problems, and the role of the ICC and other international organizations is probably not on the top of the list. But it is far from trivial if Iraq signs the ICC treaty, since it will be exposing both U.S. and its own military forces (currently engaged in a desparate anti-insurgent struggle) to oversight by the ICC. This may or may not be a good thing depending on one’s faith in the judgment of the ICC, but it is certainly a rather large and dangerous step for Iraq’s interim government....

...he return to the country. The judgment of the Kenyan Court of Appeal is of regional and international significance in the face of increasing threats of collective withdrawal of African countries from the ICC. Most particularly, after failing to arrest al-Bashir on a visit to South Africa in 2015, the South African government appears to be charging ahead with its intention to withdraw from the ICC by proposing the enactment of woefully inadequate domestic legislation. As a decisive statement by an African court this judgment will be useful for human...

unchallenged by the ICC, this approach will undoubtedly be adopted by other states going forward. The ICC, founded in 2002 as the global institution of last resort for investigating and prosecuting grave international crimes, has failed to break the cycle of states shielding their own and getting away with war crimes. Created as a criminal court to close the impunity gap and hold responsible high-ranking officials to account, the OTP has let the British off the hook. Neither the UK nor the ICC will hold those who brought the illegal...

computers to the ICC, when some of those computers might be used by sanctioned persons, that company might decide it is safer just not to provide computers to the ICC at all. Persons and entities can ask for interpretative guidance from OFAC, and sometimes OFAC will post such guidance on their website, but even when this guidance is provided it is no shield to civil or legal liability. What to Expect Next Eventually, the government will probably issue regulations implementing this order, although unlike some other executive orders establishing sanctions...

The International Criminal Court Assembly of States Parties has opened their second session in the Hague this week. The Assembly of States Parties is composed of representatives of all of the governments party to the ICC Statute, that is to say, those countries that have signed and ratified the ICC Statute. Of course, the U.S. has famously revoked its signature to the ICC Statute. Or has it? According to the ICC’s official statement, the U.S. is a “observatory signatory.” That is, the U.S. is not a party “to the Statute...

This would give a very, very strong message to those running the show,” Rupert Colville, spokesman for U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay, told a news briefing. I suppose there is some possibility that China and Russia would allow an ICC investigation (Syria is not a state-party to the ICC) even as they oppose a more powerful UNSC resolution. But it hardly seems likely. And there is almost no chance, in my view, that such an investigation would make a meaningful difference to a brutal dictator, and regime,...

According to the AP, Sudan announced yesterday that it will suspend all cooperation with the International Criminal Court following that the ICC prosecutor’s charges of war crimes against a Sudan government minister. “We had extended our cooperation with the ICC for some time, but now the situation is completely different,” Justice Minister Mohammed Ali al-Mardi told The Associated Press on the telephone from Geneva, where he was attending a U.N. Human Rights Council meeting. “It’s not even a question of cooperation anymore, it’s a question that they (the ICC) want...