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to try Saadi impartially, then they have primary jurisdiction. For the ICC to embark on a prosecutorial campaign against Saadi merely because Niger has expressed a willingness to transfer his would be tantamount to child's play. The ICC is desperately vying for increased legitimacy and cooperation; to prosecute a Saadi, who is likely only limitedly culpable for war crimes, would be hinder the progress of the ICC. Not to mention, this prosecution raises serious questions about sovereignty and jurisdiction, as Libya has repeatedly stated that they desire and intend to...

John has kindly agreed to let me post his private response to my previous post about his speech at the Fletcher School. Before I do, though, I want to reiterate how important it is to not let the US’s refusal to join the ICC blind us to the many significant contributions the US has made, and continues to make, to international criminal justice — and that includes the ICC. I’ll just mention two ICC contributions here. First, the Elements of Crimes exist only because the US insisted on them. Those...

March 2009. Perversely or tellingly depending on one’s perspective, the visit comes just over a week after a July 12th pre-trial chamber ruling which led to a second ICC arrest warrant being issued for Bashir, this time for genocide. Dov Jacobs has an interesting discussion on whether Chad is legally obligated to arrest Bashir. Jacobs argues that, contrary to media claims that the ICC warrant in and of itself requires Chad to arrest Bashir, the ICC must request Chad’s cooperation under art. 89 of the Rome Statute and that the...

...been registered or provided with birth certificates. Lack of identifying information could hinder participation in the ICC judicial process as victims or witnesses and impede access to ICC-specific reparations. Conclusion The revised ICC Policy on Children aims to reflect childrens’ experiences in the cases before the court. To ‘prioritise crimes against and affecting children’ and ‘increase children’s access to justice’, to bring them ‘one step closer to the effective remedies, reparations, and accountability they deserve’. This shift in prosecutorial strategy should also encompass the neglected constituency, the children born of...

island)? "The ICC needs a state that projects power independently or has regional responsibilities" The EU perhaps... Most of the EU members are parties to the Rome Statute. Daniel Graeber The ICC has no authority over anything unless a soveriegn state allows it to or requests its assistance. It's a tool for the states, so I would debate whether the ICC 'needs' anything, as it would be more accurate to say that the states need the ICC. All this talk of Abe and the ICC and no talk of brothels?...

Last year, there was lots of grousing on this blog and elsewhere about U.S. objections to an ICC referral for Sudan. Kenneth Roth of Human Rights Watch, among others, claimed that an ICC referral “would start saving lives tomorrow.” The U.S. relented and … the brutal, genocidal war continues largely unabated. Yup, those Sudanese militias are really holding back in fear of an ICC indictment. Meanwhile, the ICC (unwisely supported by the U.S. and the U.K.) appears to be a key obstacle to ending an equally brutal (but maybe not...

Although I support the Security Council referral of the Libya situation to the ICC, I do not have any degree of confidence that the ICC referral has not altered Moammar Qaddafi’s negotiating or fighting posture at this time. I have no idea whether Qaddafi’s state of mind (if you can even refer to it in normal psychology terms) has or has not been altered by the ICC referral. And whether Qaddafi himself says it has been or not would obviously be completely unreliable. On the other hand, I don’t think...

Art. 16 and preclude ICC jurisdiction. Finally, Art. 17 of the ICC statute requires “complementarity.” That means if a local or national investigation or prosecution of the conduct at issue is taking place, the Court is prohibited from exercising its jurisdiction. The only exception is where the state is “unwilling of unable” to exercise the jurisdiction. The US military investigations into and subsequent prosecutions of abuses at Abu Ghraib under the Uniform Code of Military Justice, for example, would likely trigger Art. 17 and halt effective jurisdiction of the ICC....

Mark Kersten With today's visit by Prosecutor Moreno-Ocampo to Libya it does appear that an ICC trial in Libya is an option that will be discussed. Kevin has suggested he supports this idea as have David Kaye and Stewart Ford. I added my voice in support as well. More importantly, however, the ICC itself appears to be inclined to support the notion and has suggested so publicly (http://wp.me/p1n0fE-w0). The question, it seems, is whether the ICC is restricted, in this instance to an agreement which allows it to run proceedings...

and Casey, whose knowledge of the ICC could fit comfortably on the head of a pin. And indeed, Scott’s comment seems misguided in a number of important respects. To begin with, many of the world’s “great powers” have agreed that the ICC can indeed be a forum for “enforcement of the laws of war” against them: the UK, France, Germany, Japan. To be sure, those countries would be less than thrilled if the ICC prosecuted one of their nationals — but there is no evidence whatsoever that they would abandon...

...investigations of the ICC. It wished the Security Council to hold the sole trigger to commence investigations. When that was rejected by the overwhelming number of nations in Rome, it turned its back on the ICC. OJ: What is your assessment of their current work? RG: It is still too early to judge the current work of the ICC. OJ: Is it a coincidence that the only referrals to date have been on questions relating to conflicts in Africa? RG: I suppose it is a coincidence that the first four...

...the ICC and surrender persons subject to ICC arrest warrants. The NUG has lodged a declaration with the ICC accepting the jurisdiction of the ICC. However, whether the NUG ever takes over as government, or is recognised as the legitimate government of Myanmar remains to be seen. The greatest deterrence is certainty of apprehension and the related certainty of punishment. The slow pace of investigations and cases and unlikely surrender of perpetrators from non-state parties mean there is little to no certainty of apprehension and subsequent punishment, and thus perpetrators...