Search: palestine icc

admissibility challenge was brought to the ICC in the case of Joseph Kony (who, of course has/had not been detained). My understanding is that ICC Pre-Trial Chamber II ruled on the basis of admissibility in the Kony case pursuant to Article 19. Mark Kersten Also, just to muddy the waters a bit more, at this point it's not clear that Saif al-Islam is in "custody" of Libya and it isn't even known whether Senussi was detained at all. Saif is in the custody of Zintan rebels, not the NTC and...

is the way that it attempts to use the Libyan government’s illegal detention of Melinda Taylor and her team as grounds for removing the OPCD from the case. I can’t cut-and-paste the relevant paragraphs — thanks, Registry! — so I’ll summarize them: 8. This paragraph points out that Taylor and her team were detained because the Libyan government feels their actions threatened Libya’s national security. It also notes the ICC’s initial statement “deeply regretting” those actions. 9. This paragraph notes that the ICC promised to investigate the OPCD’s actions. 10....

Kevin has no doubt put his finger on the key issues facing the ICC and Sudan. Plainly, the ICC is raising the stakes in its investigation of Sudan, a risky proposition given certain fragile peace accords emerging. More interesting to me is that the ICC last week revealed that it tried to capture wanted Sudan minister Ahmed Harun via an extraordinary rendition. The plan, apparently, was to divert Harun’s plane away from its destination: Mecca, Saudi Arabia – and toward some ICC member state where he would be arrested and...

The second is to assume that an international border is part of the territory of neither of the states it divides. The first possibility means that the OTP is correct: the ICC has jurisdiction over the deportation of the Rohingya, because at least one “essential element” of deportation — crossing an international border — took place on the territory of a state party, Bangladesh. The second possibility means that the OTP is wrong: the ICC does not have jurisdiction over the deportation of the Rohingya, because no “essential element” of...

...right to investigate and prosecute those responsible according to the legal principle of territorial jurisdiction – based on where the crime was committed. The Ukrainian leadership determined, however, that it would be very difficult to carry out the investigations and prosecutions due to the ongoing conflict in the Donbass region, where the MH17 incident took place. As a result, Ukraine triggered the ICC’s jurisdiction over crimes allegedly committed on its territory from 20 February 2014 onwards via two declarations under the ICC Statute, requesting the ICC Prosecutor to investigate the...

In a recent post, I noted my puzzlement at Russia’s recent announcement that it will not cooperate with the ICC’s investigation in Georgia. Noting that “Russia has very little to fear” from the investigation, I asked why it would not “milk a little goodwill by at least pretending to cooperate with the ICC” — especially as Russia could simply stop cooperating with the ICC if the OTP ever found evidence that incriminated it. My post elicited the following response from Patricia Jimenez Kwast on her personal blog: This might be...

...international criminal law. The primary target of his analysis is the International Criminal Court (ICC). Hafetz observers that the ongoing tensions between the ICC’s selection of situations to investigate and cases to prosecute have been intimately related to perceptions of the institution’s credibility: Continued asymmetries in the selection of situations and cases – even if largely the product of a tribunal’s design and the practical obstacles it faces – will hinder the ICC and other international tribunals from satisfying broader conceptions of fairness rooted in the equal application of criminal...

...1997. Finkelstein, Norman. Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict. London: Verso, 1995. Flapan, Simha. The Birth of Israel: Myths and Realities. New York: Pantheon, 1987. Gerner, Deborah J. One Land, Two Peoples: The Conflict over Palestine. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2nd ed., 1994. Ghanem, As’ad. The Palestinian Regime: A “Partial Democracy.” Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2001. Gorenberg, Gershom. The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements, 1967-1977. New York: Times Books, 2006. Hadawi, Sami. Bitter Harvest: A Modern History of Palestine. New York: Olive Branch Press, 1989....

...of the government so recognized from the commencement of its existence." -- Oetjen v. Central Leather Co. (1918) About 130 states have recognized Palestine's 1988 Unilateral Declaration of Independence. Palestine cited it in its applications for membership in the UN and UNESCO, e.g. "This application for membership is being submitted based on the Palestinian people’s natural, legal and historic rights and based on United Nations General Assembly resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947 as well as the Declaration of Independence of the State of Palestine of 15 November 1988...

the ICC each consider the person to be a "suspect" for entirely different conduct and crimes, then the State's investigation would not make the person a "suspect" for the purposes of the ICC. In these circumstances, the case would one that the ICC could properly seek to investigate and prosecute. If, however, your position is that the person must "suspected" of broadly the same conduct and crimes by both the State and the ICC in order for the ICC to defer to the State, then isn't that essentially the same...

Over the past week, two posts at Just Security have argued that the ICC can prosecute the use of chemical and biological weapons as a war crime, even though they — unlike other types of weapons — are not mentioned in Article 8 of the Rome Statute. The first post was written by Ralf Trapp, who argued as follows: Furthermore, there are the provisions of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Even though it does not use the terminology of the CWC (“chemical weapons”), there is no...

and Methods of Warfare Robert Cryer, Royalism and the King: Article 21 and the Politics of Sources Jens David Ohlin, Joint Criminal Confusion Elies van Sliedregt, Article 28 of the ICC Statute: Mode of Liability and/or Separate Offense Mohamed Elewa Badar, Dolus Eventualis and the Rome Statute Without It? Olympia Bekou, A Case for Review of Article 88, ICC Statute: Strengthening a Forgotten Provision Ilias Bantekas, The Need to Amend Article 12 of the ICC Statute: Remedying the Effects of Multilateral Treaties upon Third Parties Cedric Ryngaert, The International Criminal...