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members, which detain the veto, are not parties to the ICC Statute, to me, it was simply preposterous to confer a right of referral of the ICC to the SC. Clearly, this is a grave breach of the principle of independence of justice. Sometimes, I wonder whether the ICC is not a “baby” of the SC? (2) Despite this “congenital malformation”, one could expected that ICC judges do their best to escape from the clutches of the SC, by interpreting the Statute in a way which makes them more independent....

...of the incriminating evidence (p. 53). Indeed, there are indications of this trend in ICC jurisprudence, which support Robinson’s proposition. One example is the narrow construction of the mental element of criminal liability, or mens rea, in ICC judgments. Article 30(2)(b) of the Rome Statute defines as an intentional conduct one in which the perpetrator has been ‘aware’ that the crime ‘will occur in the ordinary course of events’. In practice, many ICC pre-trial, trial and appeals chambers have interpreted these words in a very restrictive sense – to require...

arguing for dismissal).   When the Appeals Chamber reversed the Pre-Trial Chamber ruling and opened the Afghanistan investigation, the Trump Administration imposed sanctions (travel bans and asset freezes) on the past ICC Prosecutor and members of her staff, basically for looking into accountability for US nationals. Despite US claims that the ICC lacked “jurisdiction,” the crime were committed within the territory of Afghanistan (a Rome Statute State Party), and thus ones over which the ICC has clear jurisdiction (Rome Statute, Art. 12(2)(a)). Now, ironically, when the Biden Administration has lifted those...

and prosecution of sexual violence and other gender-based crimes (SGBC).  In an interview prior to his election, Khan said that he would review the ICC Office of the Prosecutor’s (OTP) SGBC Policy 2014, now in its eighth year of operation. The Policy was a central part of the former Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda’s push to elevate SGBC and improve the ICC’s record on investigating and prosecuting these crimes. It applies to all OTP activities, yet it has not been subjected to a comprehensive evaluation by ICC watchers or the OTP itself....

this exists at the global level, the ICC’s choices are inherently political. Now we transition, for some unknown reason, to the ICC. This is the typical far-right critique of the ICC, but it gets no better no matter how many times it is repeated. Domestic prosecutors “rely on common values and ultimately answer to the people”? I seem to recall the Alberto Gonzalez era, when being a Democrat meant that you would be disqualified from being hired by the DOJ or end up prosecuted for imaginary crimes. (Sorry, Mr. Siegelman.)...

quick involvement in investigating potential war crimes. However, the ICC is not going to be able to offer comprehensive accountability for all the violations of IHL – simply because the Rome Statute’s substantive law under Article 8 only covers a portion of IHL. This post examines briefly what the ICC can prosecute, and then undertakes an in-depth examination of the challenges the limitations of Article 8 of the Rome Statute (RS) will present with regards to the Ukraine-Russia conflict. IHL Violations the ICC Can Prosecute There are a number of...

...are interpreted differently by various actors. I continue to oppose narrow technocratic analyses of international law in relation to these Africa-ICC debates precisely because this approach inherently erases both voices of resistance (regardless of the actors) and, more seriously, alternate possibilities for innovation. Affective Justice explains that the ICC, ICTY, and ICTR have statutory provisions that reject head-of-state immunity. However, in domestic courts, as opposed to international ones, personal immunity remains firmly established as a matter of international law. The larger debate in ICC-Africa circuits is around how functional immunity...

the author’s preference for the so-called positive complementarity. It should be remembered in this regard that the principle of the complementarity of the ICC lends itself to two different logics. The first is negative complementarity. It translates into an antagonistic view of the relationship between the ICC and national courts. Article 17 of the Rome Statute aims to organize this relationship to avoid conflicts of jurisdiction between the ICC and national courts in prosecuting crimes under the Rome Statute. The second logic is that of positive complementarity, the legal basis...

Justice Minister Sidiki Kaba. The Secretary General of the United Nations Ban Ki-Moon also attended, along with former ICC Presidents and Judges. In his remarks, the Secretary General said that the inauguration was a “milestone in global efforts to promote and uphold human rights and the rule of law”. The ASP President said that this was a “day of hope for all victims of mass crimes in the world”. President Fernandez announced that the Court was “here to stay”. But setting the rhetoric aside, how does the ICC’s report card...

...on the ground of “destination requirement”: while deportation involves displacement across national borders, a forcible transfer is committed within the national borders (Rohingya Decision, para. 57). The Possibility to Prosecute Denial of Right of Return of Georgian IDPs by the ICC On 27 January 2016, ICC authorized the Prosecutor to open proprio motu investigation in the Situation in Georgia in relation to alleged CaH and war crimes committed in and around Tskhinvali Region in the context of Russian-Georgian international armed conflict of 2008. One of the alleged crimes on which the ICC’s...

This report gives a bit more detail to the non-agreement agreement between the ICC Prosecutor and the Ugandan leaders who visited the Hague last week. The statements by the ICC Prosecutor shows the limits of his discretion under the ICC Statute and, perhaps, why the ICC will always be a potential obstacle to settlement of an ongoing conflict. The ICC Prosecutor As soon as there is a solution to end the violence and if the prosecution is not serving the interest of justice, then my duty is to stop investigation...

(…). However, neither the Rome Statute nor the ICC Rules of procedure and Evidence determine the modalities of victim participation. It is left to the judges to set such rules (ICC Rules of Procedure and Evidence, Rule 89.1). Thus, at the ICC, victim participation depends on each Chamber and varies in each case. For example, in the Katanga and Ngudjolo Chui case, the Trial Chamber II decided that the victims’ legal representatives « must be able to consult all of the public and confidential decisions and documents in the record...