Search: palestine icc

...inflicted, which would clearly amount to war crimes. 2. This is not the first time that the behaviour of the UK military forces in Iraq is challenged before the ICC. In fact, hundreds of complaints have been brought on various grounds both to domestic courts and to the ICC since the beginning of the war. As for the ICC, after the initial opening of a preliminary examination, following to over 404 communications by Iraqi victims, in 2006 the ICC Prosecutor issued a first decision determining not to open an investigation...

the United States supports Palestine statehood only “in the context of a comprehensive peace agreement.” Israel has said it will not negotiate a peace agreement that would involve its acceptance of Palestine statehood. From the Security Council’s report on the April 18 Palestine vote, it will be apparent to the General Assembly that the US reasoning that prevented a positive recommendation is well outside an international consensus. Twelve states supported the Palestine application. The ground has been laid for the General Assembly to act. In the wake of the Security...

Steven Kay QC is Head of Chambers at 9 Bedford Row.  Joshua Kern is a barrister at 9 Bedford Row). On 3 July 2019, we submitted a communication to the Office of the Prosecutor (“OTP”) of the International Criminal Court (“ICC”) (summarised here) which argued that Palestine’s objective legal status as a non-State entity, as well as Palestine’s indeterminate sovereign territorial claim, operate as barriers to the exercise of ICC jurisdiction in potential cases. On 9 August, Victor Kattan responded on these pages (here and here) by suggesting that our communication constitutes...

the context of Palestine, this discourse portrays Palestinians as backward, uncivilised, and therefore undeserving of self-determination. The Israeli state’s policies and land confiscation, settlement construction and restriction of Palestinian movement are often justified through a discourse of security and civilisation that is deeply rooted in racial othering.  As Davis points out, the Israeli occupation of Palestine is one of the most blatant cases of state commitment to apartheid and racism. The Zionist project in Palestine has employed Orientalist discourse and intersectional oppression in several key ways. Zionist narratives often portray...

12 Republican senators sent to the Prosecutor, threatening to sanction him, other ICC employees, and their families if he proceeded to apply for arrest warrants: The ICC is also prohibited by its charter from proceeding in any case unless the relevant government is unwilling or unable to police themselves. You yourself have said that “Israel has trained lawyers who advise commanders and a robust system intended to ensure compliance with international humanitarian law.” By issuing warrants, you would be calling into question the legitimacy of Israel’s laws, legal system, and...

members, which detain the veto, are not parties to the ICC Statute, to me, it was simply preposterous to confer a right of referral of the ICC to the SC. Clearly, this is a grave breach of the principle of independence of justice. Sometimes, I wonder whether the ICC is not a “baby” of the SC? (2) Despite this “congenital malformation”, one could expected that ICC judges do their best to escape from the clutches of the SC, by interpreting the Statute in a way which makes them more independent....

(…). However, neither the Rome Statute nor the ICC Rules of procedure and Evidence determine the modalities of victim participation. It is left to the judges to set such rules (ICC Rules of Procedure and Evidence, Rule 89.1). Thus, at the ICC, victim participation depends on each Chamber and varies in each case. For example, in the Katanga and Ngudjolo Chui case, the Trial Chamber II decided that the victims’ legal representatives « must be able to consult all of the public and confidential decisions and documents in the record...

This report gives a bit more detail to the non-agreement agreement between the ICC Prosecutor and the Ugandan leaders who visited the Hague last week. The statements by the ICC Prosecutor shows the limits of his discretion under the ICC Statute and, perhaps, why the ICC will always be a potential obstacle to settlement of an ongoing conflict. The ICC Prosecutor As soon as there is a solution to end the violence and if the prosecution is not serving the interest of justice, then my duty is to stop investigation...

...of the incriminating evidence (p. 53). Indeed, there are indications of this trend in ICC jurisprudence, which support Robinson’s proposition. One example is the narrow construction of the mental element of criminal liability, or mens rea, in ICC judgments. Article 30(2)(b) of the Rome Statute defines as an intentional conduct one in which the perpetrator has been ‘aware’ that the crime ‘will occur in the ordinary course of events’. In practice, many ICC pre-trial, trial and appeals chambers have interpreted these words in a very restrictive sense – to require...

...on the ground of “destination requirement”: while deportation involves displacement across national borders, a forcible transfer is committed within the national borders (Rohingya Decision, para. 57). The Possibility to Prosecute Denial of Right of Return of Georgian IDPs by the ICC On 27 January 2016, ICC authorized the Prosecutor to open proprio motu investigation in the Situation in Georgia in relation to alleged CaH and war crimes committed in and around Tskhinvali Region in the context of Russian-Georgian international armed conflict of 2008. One of the alleged crimes on which the ICC’s...

...are interpreted differently by various actors. I continue to oppose narrow technocratic analyses of international law in relation to these Africa-ICC debates precisely because this approach inherently erases both voices of resistance (regardless of the actors) and, more seriously, alternate possibilities for innovation. Affective Justice explains that the ICC, ICTY, and ICTR have statutory provisions that reject head-of-state immunity. However, in domestic courts, as opposed to international ones, personal immunity remains firmly established as a matter of international law. The larger debate in ICC-Africa circuits is around how functional immunity...

quick involvement in investigating potential war crimes. However, the ICC is not going to be able to offer comprehensive accountability for all the violations of IHL – simply because the Rome Statute’s substantive law under Article 8 only covers a portion of IHL. This post examines briefly what the ICC can prosecute, and then undertakes an in-depth examination of the challenges the limitations of Article 8 of the Rome Statute (RS) will present with regards to the Ukraine-Russia conflict. IHL Violations the ICC Can Prosecute There are a number of...