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ICC will ultimately escape accusations of double-standards and uneven application of international criminal justice. Withdrawal of a State Party also illustrates that it is ultimately much more difficult for the ICC to investigate and/or prosecute where state actors are allegedly implicated in crimes. If the state where the crimes occurred is not in favor of the ICC’s involvement, the state can block the ICC from entering its territory, making investigations difficult. Then, the state can refuse to comply with requests for cooperation (as to documents and/or witnesses), and, ultimately, it...

Eboe-Osuji annexed to the Ntaganda Appeals Judgment, concerning the theory of indirect co-perpetration, which has often been used at the ICC to assess the criminal responsibility of the accused. It begins with a discussion of ICC jurisprudence and continues with the separate opinions of the two judges and their implications for the way we think about individual criminal responsibility for mass atrocities. The ICC Approach to Establishing Criminal Responsibility Article 25(3) Rome Statute presents the most detailed list of modes, pursuant to which a person could be held liable in...

seriously negotiated with the rebels, and it has consistently rebuffed the UN’s efforts to send a multinational peacekeeping force to the Sudan. The Sudan is not Uganda, where both the government and the rebels believe that the ICC’s efforts are counterproductive. (I have previously noted my agreement with Julian on the Uganda issue.) The rebel groups in Darfur, by contrast, have applauded the ICC’s involvement — largely because they know that there is no peace process for its involvement to disrupt. So what exactly is lost by allowing the ICC...

Kufuor urging him to arrest Al-Bashir until ICC judges make a ruling on his arrest warrant. This is the second foreign visit by Al-Bashir since ICC indictment after Turkey and the first to an ICC member country. However at the time the Sudanese president hinted in an interview with Reuters that he may only visit countries which are not members of the ICC. “We are not concerned about traveling, ourselves, we have good relations with a number of countries that do not have relations with the ICC” he said. Some...

This interview with a local Ugandan NGO suggests the ICC should back out of its Ugandan investigation (an issue Peggy discussed in more detail here). Here’s a key exchange between a reporter from the East African and David Kaiza: Does the ICC risk escalating the [Ugandan] war? The LRA [the Ugandan rebel forces -ed.] are not the kind of people who will take threats lightly. They invariably take revenge on civilians. The impact of the ICC has been to heighten the violence. The problem with the ICC is that it...

dictators and autocrats the legal grounds on which to anchor their obstruction and resistance to the ICC. In other words, not only is the pursuit of al-Bashir apparently futile, it is counterproductive: it encourages buyer’s remorse among African states, thus making it harder to protect the people the ICC claims to care for; the fear of cutting off what little cooperation exists makes it harder for the ICC to act even-handedly within situations by prosecuting governments (such as Uganda’s) that are implicated in international crimes; and, it communicates to autocratic...

U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan has praised the issuance of the ICC arrest warrants for top Ugandan LRA rebels. He noted that “the ICC only intends to prosecute those LRA senior leaders who are alleged to bear the greatest responsibility for the most serious crimes. He therefore urges all eligible LRA combatants to take advantage of existing disarmament and reintegration programmes.” This is an interesting take on what the ICC may be doing. The ICC prosecutor’s approach may be one of attempting to drive a wedge between the indicted top LRA...

has explored. I am skeptical, however, that the ICC can develop a judicially manageable framework that does justice to the complexity of the considerations that inform these compromises. Because the ICC itself has targeted only a handful of LRA suspects, and thus does not preclude alternative measures for most perpetrators, the specific case for dropping the ICC warrants emphasizes that Kony’s personal participation is necessary to a peace agreement that will both save lives and facilitate the broader accountability scheme. Is the ICC an appropriate venue to evaluate the merits...

...It is thus with some surprise that we find TWAIL adopting a more circumspect approach to Palestine, disregarding the myths that dominate the debate on Israeli settler-colonialism in international legal circles. Palestine’s Elusive Place in TWAIL Thought* Some of TWAIL’s early interlocutors were beholden to Eurocentric international law, submitting to the core ideas that distorted the trajectory of the Third World. There was nothing treacherous in the scholars’ behaviour; this was no comprador class. Rather, as Bedjaoui and Anand proclaimed in the heyday of the decolonisation era, theirs was a...

...rests on the deterrence rather than the retribution rationale. The U.S. supports international criminal courts set up to punish specific sets of crimes occurring in a particular place. The ICC is a permanent court with wide jurisdiction. The main superiority of the ICC is that it supposedly creates a deterrence effect that ad hoc courts set up after the fact (as in Yugoslavia and Rwanda) cannot. But if there is not much of a deterrence effect, why shouldn’t we rely on ad hoc criminal tribunals, as the U.S. has suggested?...

UK: Cambridge University Press, 2003 ed. Pappé, Ilan. The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oxford, UK: Oneworld, 2006. Shafir, Gershon. Land, Labor and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882-1914. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Shamir, Ronen. In the Colonies of Law: Colonialism, Zionism, and Law in Early Mandate Palestine. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Shlaim, Avi. The Politics of Partition: King Abdullah, the Zionists and Palestine, 1921-1951. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1990. Smith, Charles D. Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict. Boston, MA: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2004 ed. Tessler,...

Now, after the capture of Saif Ghadaffi, the meaning of this obligation is being put to the test. Saif is wanted by the ICC for war crimes; but the Libyan authorities want to prosecute him in the country’s own courts. The ICC prosecutor, Luis Moreno Ocampo, takes the view that Libya has a right handle on Saif’s trial, provided its courts are up to the task. Ocampo is relying on a principle of the ICC’s Statute, known as “complementarity”—the principle which allows for a challenge to ICC jurisdiction on the...