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to perform its responsibilities, and will ultimately delay the course of justice. It is important that both CAR and MINUSCA work actively towards ensuring persons of interest wanted by the Court, and for whom arrest warrants have been issued, are immediately arrested.  Need to Strengthen Cooperation with the ICC The OTP’s announcement concluding investigation in CAR reiterated the need for the ICC to deepen cooperation with the SCC. While the SCC and ICC have signed a memorandum of understanding to promote cooperation, in reality it appears that the two courts...

[ Melissa L. Simms is currently a Legal Officer with the United Nations and formerly with the International Criminal Court. The views expressed in this post are those of the author and do not reflect the views of the United Nations or the ICC.] Oumar Ba, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Morehouse College in Atlanta, United States has certainly stoked interest in his publication just by its provocative title, “States of Justice: The Politics of the International Criminal Court (ICC).” The title itself encapsulates an issue that has bedeviled...

...another court. The Court has used a ‘substantially the same conduct’ test, which means that the domestic authorities and the ICC are prosecuting the ‘same conduct’ where there is substantial overlap between the incidents investigated by the domestic authorities and the ICC or where the investigation by the domestic authorities covers the crux of the ICC’s case or the most serious aspects thereof (Gaddafi, Appeals Chamber, para 72). Gaddafi’s admissibility challenge raises the question of whether the ‘substantially the same conduct’ test also applies to ne bis in idem in...

in 2004, the UN Commission of Inquiry found over one million people who had been internally displaced by the fighting, a further 200,000 who had fled across the border to Chad, and several hundred destroyed and burned villages throughout Darfur. In 2005, the UN Security Council referred the situation in Sudan to the ICC. Thus began the ICC’s toxic relationship with Sudan, which until recently refused entry to ICC investigators, despite being legally obligated to cooperate with the Court in accordance with the Security Council resolution. Moreno Ocampo initiated cases...

to a “declaration of war.” Beyond these political and military pressures, certain trade dependencies and sanctions may also lead States to take fright at potential economic fallout.   A Rock and a Hard Place? These considerations illuminate the lack of adequate tools that the ICC maintains to ensure and promote cooperation among its State Parties. As of now, the ICC has issued 38 arrest warrants for persons allegedly implicated in the commission of grave international crimes. Of these 38, 21 individuals have been arrested and transferred to ICC custody. These numbers...

States in terms of penal repression. It is only in the tenth paragraph that the ICC is even mentioned – as a complement to this existing accountability framework. The Preamble tells us that that the ICC is not set up to displace the system, but to add to it, to supplement it, to complement it. So important is this theme that it appears in the very first substantive provision of the Statute. So we become used to the idea, at the outset, that the primary goal of the Statute is...

...between ICJ and ICC proceedings is inapposite, as far as the principle justification for the transposition of Monetary Gold is concerned. The foundation of ICJ jurisdiction is consent. The Statute and the Rules provide the details through which such consent can be given to the Court. The same, however, is not necessarily true as regards ICC jurisdiction in the case of SC referrals. The two-tier ICJ approach to jurisdiction was proposed by the ILC in its draft ICC statute in 1994 but was rejected by the drafters in Rome. It...

...on punishment at the ICC and its underlying assumptions. A dominant retributive account of punishment tends to justify penal severity as the main avenue for justice, thereby neglecting fundamental questions on the limits and implications of long-term imprisonment. This post is divided in two parts: the first addresses the uncertainties in the ICC sentencing process; the second expands the discussion to consider how commitments to penal severity inhibit fresh thinking about justice for mass atrocities.  2.  Uncertainties in the ICC sentencing process  The ICC sentencing process is characterised by ambiguity and...

of affairs in Gaza? I would assume that if the ICC prosecutor launched a formal probe against Israeli officials, and it went into a formal trial phase, the Israeli defense may mention this among its arguments. "If they are part of the illegal situation that Comoros or Palestine have referred to the Court, then the Prosecutor should follow the facts and evidence where they lead, and indict those who are responsible. A tu quoque argument would not preclude investigation or prosecution of Israeli officials." It would if the ICC is...

Ngudjolo provided details as to his position in the militia hierarchy. The Dutch authorities then used this information, combined with other reports about the conflict, to invoke Article 1F. For reasons that the ICC has kept confidential, Ngudjolo was also excluded from ICC witness protection. He was therefore stuck in a lose-lose situation: give evidence in his own defence but have nowhere to go if acquitted, or do not give evidence and increase the chance of conviction. Then there was the inaction on the part of the ICC. The dilemma...

An ICC chamber, at the request of the ICC Prosecutor, has issued a decision “remind[ing]” U.S. authorities of the two Arrest Warrants issued by the ICC, and “invit[ing]” U.S. authorities to apprehend Bashir and turn him over to the ICC. This is not exactly surprising. Still, it is worth noting that the ICC chamber reviews the legal landscape and it concludes (rightly in my view) that the U.S. has no legal obligation to arrest Bashir if he comes to the U.S. This is true both because the U.S. is a...

...are no procedures in place that require its judicial organs to advise the Prosecutor when one of the ICC's member states refers to an alleged violation of the Rome Statute in a formal written submission, as Jordan did in 2003. The situation in Palestine wasn't dragged-in over the transom, it walked right in the front door of the ICC in 2009 when the government of Palestine accepted the Court's jurisdiction. It isn't the fault of Comoros or anyone else that the Prosecutors failed to properly address the situation. At the...