Search: palestine icc

the ICC to also pursue cases of impunity elsewhere, while engaging in serious dialogue with the AU and African countries in order to review their relationship. The concern about the ICC evolved to outright disdain by 2015 when South Africa failed to arrest then Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir when he attended an African Union summit in Johannesburg. Both domestic courts and the Pre-Trial Chamber I of the ICC ruled that South Africa violated its responsibilities by not arresting Bashir. Significantly the domestic courts based their judgements on the domestication of...

among fans of international justice. Second: that the ICC blinked at the exercise of jurisdiction over nationals of a State (the U.S.) that is not party to the Rome Statute which establishes the ICC. That the ICC would claim the right to prosecute Americans was proclaimed an insult to U.S. sovereignty and the rule of law by Secretary of State Pompeo. He’s wrong. The Rome Statute establishes ICC jurisdiction not only over nationals of States that are party to the Rome Statute, but also persons who commit their ICC crimes...

law. Reconciling ICC Cooperation with UN Peace Processes The decision’s most significant contribution lies in its treatment of the relationship between ICC arrest obligations and international peace processes. This is where the Chamber genuinely breaks new ground. The Chamber begins by reaffirming an important point: under the Rome Statute, there is only one mechanism capable of suspending an investigation, prosecution, or – by implication – the execution of an arrest request. That mechanism is Article 16, which requires a resolution of the UN Security Council acting under Chapter VII of...

of citizenship is contrary to international law if it renders any individual stateless. It is possible nonetheless, as shown, for example, by Burma/Myanmar’s treatment of Rohingya people. The idea is less controversial when applied to those with multiple nationalities who would retain at least one. Regardless, revocation of citizenship in any case would be a complicating factor for ICC jurisdiction. Art 25(1) of the Rome Statute gives the ICC jurisdiction over natural persons only. Art 12 sets out the preconditions for the ICC’s exercise of jurisdiction in relation to the...

Following is an excerpt from the State Department press briefing from April 1st in which Richard Boucher discussed Security Council Resolution 1593 (transcribed, along with state comments, here), referring the Darfur situation to the ICC (see also the press release from the ICC itself, with links to other resources, here). Some of the questions focus on whether the Security Council referral is a novel basis for jurisdiction (see, especially the part I highlighted). While the Q&A on this was a bit muddled, I think the short answer is that such...

and even sanctioning airlines or other carriers for transporting goods and persons benefiting the ICC. The potential sanctions could reach as far as donations to the ICC from individuals, or penalizing lawyers filing briefs in matters before the ICC. This affects individuals and entities from any of the 123 States Parties to the Rome Statute, and would affect their transactions with even tangential connections to the United States—such as their ability to transfer funds to a bank with branches in the US. This aspect of the EO is intended to,...

ICC Lacks Jurisdiction – and There’s No Easy Fix to Remedy This It was exceedingly difficult for International Criminal Court (ICC) States Parties to reach agreement on the definition of the crime of aggression. Ultimately, however, the real fight was over the scope of the ICC’s jurisdiction over the crime. The result is a unique regime that governs the ICC’s jurisdiction over the crime of aggression, which gives the Court jurisdiction in a narrower range of situations compared to other Rome Statute crimes – an outcome insisted upon by the...

actions are a backlash from the ICC’s investigations in Afghanistan and Palestine. President Biden on April 2, 2021, ended the sanctions and the visa restrictions, thereby rescinding Trump’s orders. My reflection will focus on the pitfalls of such sanctions on individuals from ‘less-powerful’ states given the countries of origin of both Prosecutor Bensouda from The Gambia and Mr. Mochochoko from Lesotho. Bensouda was the main target of the sanctions given that she was granted approval in March 2020 by the Appeals Chamber of the ICC to investigate possible crimes committed in Afghanistan...

The ICC Office of the Prosecutor has just released the following statement: Palestine is not a State Party to the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the ICC; neither has the Court received any official document from Palestine indicating acceptance of ICC jurisdiction or requesting the Prosecutor to open an investigation into any alleged crimes following the November 2012 United Nations General Assembly Resolution (67/19), which accorded non-member observer State status to Palestine. The ICC has no jurisdiction over alleged crimes committed on the territory of Palestine. I have three...

The ICC has always had a legitimacy problem in Uganda. In particular, as Mark Kersten ably explained earlier this year, the Court is widely viewed by Ugandans as partial to Museveni, despite the fact that the OTP is supposedly investigating both the government and the LRA: From the outset, the ICC showcased a bias towards the Government of Yoweri Museveni. In 2004 and following months of negotiations, then ICC Chief Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo infamously held a joint press conference with Museveni to announce that Kampala had referred the LRA to...

Indeed, compliance with the request to surrender Gaddafi is what the SC is confirming. Interestingly on the same day as resolution 2213 was adopted the SC also adopted resolution 2214 which concerns terrorist acts committed in Libya by groups that proclaim allegiance to the Islamic State. Apparently, the SC considered that a reference to the ICC did not deserve to be included in this resolution. Instead it opted to refer to the ICC in the resolution, which relates to UNSMIL and sanction bodies that were established under Res. 1970. ......

...even if it fulfills the objective conditions to be seen as such. That's incorrect. Many people used to say the same thing about the PLO Executive Committee, but its application for UN membership was based upon the November 1988 PNC UDI 11/15/1988 UN Doc A/43/827-S/20278 "Declaration of State of Palestine" issued by the Palestine National Council and its role as the "Provisional Government of the State of Palestine" announced the same day in UN Doc A/43/928 Palestine question/PNC Declaration on provisional Government - Letter from Palestine. In 2009, JCPA Fellow...