Search: extraterritorial sanctions

...economic and diplomatic sanctions. International law frames certain expectations of behavior; international institutions such as the G8, the UN, the WTO, the World Bank and the IMF provide options for enforcing those expectations. And, no, this is not automatic, such sanctions are still dependent on the political will of states. But it is international law that contextualizes and frames that political will and gives a means of persuading other states to coordinate such responses due to a language that goes beyond immediate geopolitical self-interest and gives many states a stake...

...that’s been our national policy by and large for the past 10 or 15 years,” which is incorrect to say the least. One example might suffice: the Obama administration reacted to the 2016 interference by Russia with economic sanctions, the expulsion of Russian diplomats and conducted covert cyber-operations against Russia. The problem is not a political but a legal one. In that occasion the US government could only commit to retorsions as countermeasures (acts normally illegal but justified if used to bring another State to compliance with international law) were...

...month of Ramadan on July 17, to allow for deliveries of humanitarian aid. Iran and world powers made progress on future sanctions relief for Iran in marathon nuclear talks on Saturday, but remained divided on issues such as lifting United Nations sanctions and the development of advanced centrifuges. Asia The Philippines will start on Tuesday its legal battle against China’s territorial claims before the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague. The Philippine navy recently found a large steel marker bearing Chinese inscriptions and hundreds of yellow buoys in waters...

...their view of complicity to include the active support, tacit support, and deliberate silences and inaction of other states and political leaders. By engaging in this form of advocacy, the authors of communications might be able to leverage the stigma of international criminal law to influence public opinion and generate sanctions against illegitimate conduct. Extralegal sanctions can include protests, boycotts, and the reputational damage that arises from being named as a person who has allegedly committed an international crime. For politicians, who rely on public support for re-election, the consequences...

...reader should read to follow the pagination of points made by Professor Murphy. I have also posted the longer version at SSRN to amplify some of the points I hope to make eventually, and it is possible that some of the ways I develop these ideas address some of Professor Murphy’s suggestions. On the finer points (Questions on Legal Characterization): In light of Security Council Resolution 687 (Iraq 1991), how can I claim Chapter VII sanctions have never been applied to a non-proliferation crisis (p. 21)? I will concede on...

...fled to Tunisia. This defection is a big deal. Ghanem had been at OPEC when Libya was under economic sanctions, and his return to Libya as prime minister and head of the ruling party in 2003 was intended to signal Muammar Qaddafi’s return to respectability in the international community. Ghanem became the face of the reformed Libya, which had given up its dabbling in chemical and other weapons and was willing to privatize its state sector industries and do big deals with Western oil companies. He staunchly defended Qaddafi, going...

...and in terms of an EU sanctions they required formal approval before they could be exported. Isopropanol has been on the list since 2013 and diethylamine has been there since 2012. The organisations’ complaint therefore pertains to possible criminal violation of EU Regulation 36/2012 concerning controls on the sale, supply, transfer, or export to Syria, either in a direct manner or in an indirect manner. In the case of the German and Belgium respectively, approval should be obtained from the Federal Office of Economics and Export Control and the Flemish...

...that an action on the basis of the procedure under Art. 265 TFEU was brought against the EU institutions for their inaction concerning Israel’s breaches of international law in the OPT. According to the applicant, the EU institutions unlawfully failed to act following its letter of 12 May 2025 in which the association requested: a) the suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement; b) the adoption of sanctions under Art. 29 TEU; c) a formal review of all co-operation activities with Israel; and d) the adoption of a clear public position,...

[Piet Eeckhout is a Professor at University College London and a leading authority in EU Law and international economic law. He notes that he has been involved in the Kadi litigation on the side of Sheikh Kadi.] Devika Hovell’s paper is an excellent attempt at conceptualising the relationship between the domestic judge and the UN Security Council (UNSC). That relationship has come about as a consequence of the UNSC’s smart sanctions policies, which intrude in the daily lives of those which are subject to them. Most of the significant case...

...unlawful occupation of Palestinian lands since 1967 also needs to end, as the International Court of Justice reminded the world in an advisory opinion last year. Concerted pressure is needed beyond civil society. States need to support boycotts, divestments and full-spectrum sanctions, until the occupation ends, and the Palestinian state is independent.  The UK has a special responsibility towards the Palestinian people given its colonial past. As a British citizen of Palestinian heritage, I was proud to have been asked to hand deliver a 433-page petition to HMG at 10...

...as special adviser on public international law for the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. That court, as is well known, has issued indictments against high level officials of the government of Sudan, including its chief of state. The Security Council has, to date, ducked all pleas by the ICC Prosecutor to assist the Court in enforcing these indictments, even though the Council could easily do so under its Chapter VII authority, including its existing sanctions regime for the Sudan under Security Council Resolution 1591 (2005). What would TWAILERs’ advice...

...a time when powerful States have decidedly taken action to end the work of the Court, States Parties seem unfussed by the degree of institutional turmoil this situation has created. Not only is the Office of the Prosecutor’s main administrator on leave of absence, the whole leadership is under sanctions from the Trump administration. More so, the stream of media articles linking or questioning the relationship between the arrest warrants in the Situation of Palestine case and the chief Prosecutor’s alleged misconduct should prompt States Parties to seek clarity, transparency...