Search: extraterritorial sanctions

...Clinton is calling on the UNSC for tougher sanctions against Syria, even though such sanctions are expected to be vetoed. The EU Parliament has approved a deal with the US on air passenger data sharing that includes tighter restrictions to ensure privacy. EU foreign ministers are set to suspend sanctions against Myanmar for one year. Colombia’s FARC denies any plans to surrender, despite proposing negotiations with government. Tensions further escalate between Sudan and South Sudan as the current Sudanese president Omar Hassan al-Bashir has promised to teach its neighbor to...

...territorial sea.  The UK seized the vessel because it was believed to be transporting Iranian oil to Syria in breach of sanctions responding to international crimes. While this act violated the ship’s (or Panama’s) passage rights under the law of the sea, the law governing countermeasures arguably offered avenues for precluding its wrongfulness. In casu, the British action must be seen within the broader context of Western sanctions then aimed at dissuading the Assad regime from persisting in international crimes and other human rights violations.  But this argumentative option is...

...the problem of WMD proliferation can be appropriately addressed by targeted “emergency” sanctions based on IEEPA authorities, how best to “multilateralize” these targeted sanctions, and whether the U.S. asset blocking program under E.O. 13382 raises Due Process concerns. Rather than attempt a critique, I’d simply like to highlight some aspects of these topics that I think could benefit from further thought. Professor Guymon concludes her post by noting that the executive’s ”judicious use” of E.O. 13382 adequately addresses any concern that an IEEPA national emergency might continue indefinitely. I would...

...from vetoing any sanctions? My guess is that international opinion and pressure will be so overwhelming that Russia will go along with any punishment against the Syrian state, but that the punishment will be sadly weak. Sanctions are a fairly inefficient tool of statecraft, have little effect (link is to the JSTOR database; subscription required), and typically punish the civilian population more than political leadership (I’ll consider the problem of sanctions in a post later this week). So, for those of you who have faith in the UN and international...

...arrival of Ansar Dine/AQIM in Timbuktu; it was, Judge Mindua states, therefore allowed (Separate Opinion [58]). Amputation and flogging were, however, more problematic. They had not really applied in Mali [56] and, as Judge Mindua acknowledges, they appear as torture to many international lawyers [64]. Nevertheless, Judge Mindua points out, they are legal sanctions in states which belong to the United Nations.  As such, Judge Mindua will not state that these sanctions are necessarily illegal, even though he notes their incongruency with human rights and international law. He remains equivocal...

...president to now “dismantle” the deal in its entirety, the most significant international sanctions having been lifted by a binding resolution of the UN Security Council, a resolution all other veto bearing members of the Council remain committed to supporting. The United States could of course re-impose some or all of the national sanctions it had suspended in support of the deal. But at this point it is hard to see how the sanctions of any individual state, however powerful, would succeed in persuading Iran to abandon its decades old...

Jordan John: interesting, but I do not agree that he has immunity from a criminal sanctions process that involves custody, transfer, and prosecution before the ICC, especially since there is absolutely no immunity under any international criminal treaty for a head of state (e.g., Genocide Convention, art. IV; Geneva Conventions; CAT, arts. 1, 5-7 -- and the customary international law reflected in each) and Article 27(1)-(2) (which mirrors customary international law with respect to sanctions processes of international criminal tribunals) expressly denies immunity with respect to the ICC sanctions process....

...banking and real estate transactions that are intended to launder illicit funds. This necessarily requires targeted use of legal and policy tools to prevent violators of IHL and their associates from profiteering from serious breaches of IHL. Some of the examples of targeted sanctions identified in Dr Mutuma’s chapter include punitive bilateral trade and investment measures against the government of South Sudan, banning the acquisition of property in Kenya and Uganda by individuals on the UN sanctions list for war crimes, as well as confiscation of the property of such...

...Law Much of my reflection revolves around critical questions to consider when engaging with the topic of double standards in international law. I acknowledge that much of my thinking was shaped by the rich discussions we had. Do ‘Double Standards’ Exist in International Law?  Absolutely, and countless examples highlight this issue. Intervention in Conflicts: Western leaders have been quick to condemn Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. The international community has rallied robust support for Ukraine, including economic sanctions against Russia and significant military aid. However, this stands in stark contrast to...

...pressuring governments and corporations to cease military collaborations. Advocate for Trade Sanctions: Advocate for trade sanctions against Israel and all businesses that support Israel’s occupation. Pressure governments to implement these sanctions and target companies complicit in violating Palestinian rights. Suspend Israel from International Events: Campaign for the suspension of Israel from international sports and cultural events. Encourage cultural institutions and workers to boycott collaborations with Israeli entities to undermine the normalisation of apartheid. Boycott Israeli Academic Institutions: Advocate for a comprehensive boycott of Israeli academic institutions. Support Palestinian educators and students...

...pursuant to the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (“IEEPA”)) and their implementing regulations enforced by OFAC. A number of Executive Orders are part of the broader U.S. sanctions framework, and extend beyond counterterrorism; quite a few of them, nonetheless, impact humanitarian organizations, as was seen in January when the M23 (an armed group active in and around parts of the DRC in which humanitarian organizations operate) was listed under both the NDAA and Executive Order 13413. Though the sanctions framework, when compared to the material support statute, has different jurisdictional...

...to funding and assistance for documentation of SVC, and the provision of humanitarian aid and security to victims, and in the absence of Security Council sanctions to target perpetrators, international actors supporting Ukraine can ensure that their own bilateral trade, diplomatic, banking, travel and other sanctions and asset bans on individuals and the Russian state, target perpetrators of sexual violence. The UK, for instance, on 16 June 2022, included sexual violence in sanctions on four Military Colonels from the 64th Separate Motorised Rifle Brigade, a unit known to have killed,...