Search: crossing lines

...carefully argued piece descends into complete gibberish when it tries to explain how “international law” can be a tool for the United States to constrain and manage China’s activities in the South China Sea. And if Beijing tried to extract economic gains from contested regions [in the South China Sea], Washington could facilitate a process along the lines of the proportional punishment strategy it helped make part of the World Trade Organization: let the Permanent Court of Arbitration, in The Hague, determine the gains of China’s illegal actions, place a...

...which of the two should carry greater weight. This question becomes particularly complex in protracted conflicts characterized by recurring hostilities. In such contexts, immediacy, as a backward-looking concept tied to a prior armed attack, may risk transforming a lawful act of self-defense into an unlawful armed reprisal. Conversely, imminence, as a forward-looking notion, may be used to justify anticipatory self-defense in the face of a perceived impending threat. The cyclical nature of violence in some conflicts—marked by intermittent pauses between escalations—can blur the lines between reprisal, anticipatory self-defense, and lawful...

...the authors fail to specify the lines between the bifurcated categories with adequate precision. As I have written elsewhere, treaties regulate three types of relationships: horizontal relations between states; vertical relations between states and private parties; and transnational relations between private parties that cross national boundaries. See David Sloss, Treaty Enforcement in Domestic Courts: A Comparative Analysis, in THE ROLE OF DOMESTIC COURTS IN TREATY ENFORCEMENT: A COMPARATIVE STUDY (Sloss ed., 2009). US courts never had a major role in enforcing horizontal treaty provisions. From the Founding until World War...

...international personality “disappears” under the ICC institutional veil. This theory is also connected with the claim that the ICC’s “statutory framework” should be applied “as a whole” to Sudan (para. 45 of the 2009 decision) and it definitely has effects on the primary obligation. In the context of international responsibility, the idea that member states act as quasi-organs is used to escape courts’ jurisdiction. As mentioned by Jordan (p. 90), the ECtHR would be lacking jurisdiction ratione personae (on the lines of the Behrami and Saramati case). All in all,...

...invasion of Iraq was illegal: In a startling break with the official White House and Downing Street lines, Mr Perle told an audience in London: “I think in this case international law stood in the way of doing the right thing.” President George Bush has consistently argued that the war was legal either because of existing UN security council resolutions on Iraq – also the British government’s publicly stated view – or as an act of self-defence permitted by international law. But Mr Perle, a key member of the defence...

...red lines. Europe might not be an effective counter-weight, given the disdain of the Trump Administration for its former close allies across the Atlantic. However the format of the talks develops, any mediation effort would in the end need to be backed up by a Contact Group of Supporting States. In addition to the US, UK, Germany, France and Italy, this might include traditional supporters of mediation like Norway, Sweden, Qatar, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Switzerland, and states closer to the Russian Federation, perhaps like Belarus, China, India, South...

...as many proposals as possible, but preference will be given to scholars who did not present last year and to works that have not yet been accepted for publication. We also workshop early stage projects. If you are interested in presenting on an early stage project, please let us know the working title and a few lines about the idea you are pursuing. Finally, if you are willing to be a commentator, please let us know. UN Audiovisual Library The Codification Division of the United Nations Office of Legal Affairs...

...Palestinians can never obtain real or full self-determination)  Eghbariah argues that the Nakba regime maintains the structure of oppressive fragmentation by developing a variety of legal constraints preventing refugees from returning to their lands or reuniting with family members with a different legal status (p.986).  This is reflected in several heartbreaking scenes that litter the last few episodes of the series, such as Masoud’s attempts to cross the armistice lines to get some oranges from their old farms or when Rushdi sneaks into 1948 lands to search for his mother. ...

...their nationals suspected of having joined DAESH, leaving no doubt that even solicitousness for one’s nationals (let alone the attitude to non-nationals) remains a highly bifurcated affair. The lines of nationality – or at least the sort of nationality that is deserving of the state going out of its way to provide protection – can sometimes be subtly redrawn to distinguish between nationals, a phenomenon manifest in relation to dual nationals or racialized nationals. Whither international law in all of this? When it comes to globalization, international law was as...

...among diverse normative communities. Global administrative law emphasizes that much modern global governance occurs not in high-profile diplomatic conferences or treaty negotiations, but in less visible “global administrative spaces.” Global administrative law urges that these administrative and regulatory processes be reformed along lines that advance administrative law values, such as transparency, consultation, participation, reasoned decision making, and review. Moreover, global administrative law focuses the accountability and legitimacy of global administrative practices, important dimensions of global governance that GLP does not analyze in detail. To date, only a handful of scholars...

...of its creation and its pedigree, was an “international court” along the lines of similarly created (although not identical) institutions – the ICTY, the ICTR, and, of course, the ICC. For this reason, it found that it fit squarely within the Yerodia exception. Likewise, in its 2019 decision in the Al Bashir case, the ICC Appeals Chamber resolved the case similarly. Although Jordan had argued before the Appeals Chamber that the ICC was a ‘foreign’ court, and that it could not exercise jurisdiction over Al Bashir who was a sitting...

...making a prediction of risk from the assurances misses multiple critical lines of inquiry. It concentrates on just a few superficial criteria, and overlooks several key points and the overall context. Certainly, the State Department may have taken these factors into consideration in its internal, confidential evaluations and not mentioned them in its report to Congress, but the report lacks clarity and transparency in this regard. The fact that the State Department chose to only ask four brief, vaguely-phrased, and backwards-looking questions before making predictions on the likelihood of misuse...