Search: crossing lines

...self-defense. The prospect that one State may assume a cyberattack falls below a use of force or armed attack threshold while the victim State perceives it as above those lines is not a happy one — it could lead to an unintended escalation of an incident into a larger armed conflict. Add to this the possibility that a victim State may respond by attacking an innocent third State (or non-State actor) because it holds the mistaken belief (on its own or via a successful false flag operation) that the innocent...

...far along the paper is. Because of the nature of the workshop, we can only include working drafts that have not yet been accepted for publication. We also workshop early stage projects. If you are interested in presenting on an early stage project, please let us know the working title and a few lines about the idea you are pursuing. Finally, if you are interested in being a discussant, please let us know. We will do our best to get back to everyone in November, and, for those whose working...

...within the current understanding of armed attack justifying self-defense, but as that threat begins to emerge more clearly, one can certainly anticipate that arguments will be made that it is close enough. To the extent that there is strong resistance to such efforts to relax the “armed attack” standard, scenarios such as explored here will tend to blur the lines between self-defense and such justifications as necessity and countermeasures. It is widely accepted that necessity cannot be invoked as a justification or defense for violating the prohibition on the use...

...disease. While ostensibly adopted to protect public health, such interventions have rarely been accompanied by social relief programmes, such as income support and debt suspension, that are necessary to avoid collateral damage to economic and social rights, including the rights to health, social security, work, and housing. Instead, responses to the pandemic have largely magnified the fault lines of racial, socioeconomic, disability, gender and age inequalities, intensifying the suffering of those already at greatest risk and falling short of State obligations to ensure that responses to public health emergencies do...

...big five. But in their pointed exclamations of attribution I also see the pursuit of soothing exculpations of involvement. Assignation of responsibility can become the comforting salve of an assuaging, yet deceiving, non-responsibility. After all, the little people did have some responsibility. A lot, in fact. Lilliputian neighbors betrayed, stalked, killed and tortured neighbors. Little people rampaged and raged. They did so very far away from any leadership; moreover, what exactly is leadership in a scattered-shattered society often bereft of communication lines?  Charles Taylor may have been responsible, yes, but...

...has already been written, probably better than I could ever write it. However, now that we have the luxury of hindsight and enough of us to guarantee infinite dissection, I will explore in this post an aspect of this encounter that I find especially unsettling – the irony that critical perspectives concerning the International Criminal Court (and international criminal justice generally) are often distorted to benefit powerful actors, in ways that are detrimental to the very subjects that these perspectives try to centre.  International criminal law, like most legal disciplines,...

...way to WWI. See also this snippet from Robert Keohane in the latest Foreign Policy (“In the 1930s, economic crisis led to Nazism in Germany and militarism in Japan. We must not overlook the threat that global economic crisis could again have malign effects on world politics”). Let’s hope Moses Naim and the rest of us who think that globalization is different this time around have the better of the argument. But even assuming conflict along state lines were a probable result of this crash, as it was for the...

...singing along to The Clash’s 1979 anthem “London Calling,” which features the lyrics “Now war is declared — and battle come down” while other lines warn of a “meltdown expected.” [snip] “He didn’t like Led Zeppelin or The Clash but I don’t think there was any need to tell the police,” Mann told the Daily Mirror. Lucky for Mann he wasn’t listening to the Sex Pistol’s “Anarchy in the UK” or anything by Gang of Four. He’d be at a black site undergoing “interrogation” as we speak… Hat-tip: Daily Kos....

...than “politicizing” the Court (in order to assuage its legitimacy-problem), there is something important to be said for a more minimalist, indeed, “weak” ECJ. The democratic benefits of allowing judges to enter dissenting opinions seem uncertain in the EU-context. You do not want a “supreme” ECJ, which sharply divides over ever more, and ever more controversial, but hugely consequential, constitutional-legal issues (e.g. the “true” balance between market-freedoms and social rights) along, say, national lines or those of “old Europe” versus “new Europe.” You may not want to jeopardize direct effect...

...can’t judge the intentions of another country by looking at its force — like by looking at its force posture. So it’s a challenge to identify effective, confidence-building measures in cyberspace. We’ve got to find a way. For example, the United States is working closely with Russia to reach an agreement that would establish links between our computer emergency response teams and our nuclear risk reduction centers to build cooperation and to set up lines of communication in the event of an alarming incident. . . . The tactic of...

...for example, Congress could have added language to the Military Commissions Act of 2006 along the following lines: “In the event of a conflict between the Geneva Conventions and the procedures specified herein, courts shall apply the procedures embodied in this Act.” Such language would preclude courts from applying the Geneva Conventions by making clear that Congress intended to supersede the Conventions as a matter of domestic law. However, the Military Commissions Act of 2006 does not contain any such provision. Section 3 of the Act creates a new Chapter...

...sequester them and do not condemn them as prizes–is a wrong to those states.” Almost three decades later, Philip Jessup argued along the same lines that, even under the League of Nations system ostensibly requiring states to sanction aggressors, “While each member [of the League] may decide for itself regarding the necessity for its own action [in a particular case], it cannot object to other members exercising a like freedom of judgment[.]” Nor did the UN Charter, which assigns sanctioning authority to the UN Security Council but does not ex...