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...right to use force in self-defense more easily. First, the nature of the potential attacker: Although state practice in the aftermath of international armed conflict suggests no change from the traditional conception of armed attack when two states are involved, consider how the aftermath of an extraterritorial conflict against a non-state group, particularly a terrorist group, might contribute to driving down the threshold for an armed attack. After the state has suffered an armed attack and used force in self-defense against the non-state group already, leading to the armed conflict...

Third, Chiara is right in criticizing negative equality by pointing out that “even cases below the civil war threshold can be fought in the name of self-determination” and “violent conflicts do not necessarily entail fights for self-determination” (page 96). But therein lies the real rub: civil wars are far too easily equated to non-international armed conflicts, which indeed fundamentally clashes with an orthodox interpretation of the right to self-determination. But rather than throw the baby out with the bath water, scholars should – as a starting point – harken back...

...off period’—and the first effective withdrawal in the ICC’s 15-year history—was an event of some significance; more so perhaps than those covered in its press releases on or around the same date. The observers expected an official acknowledgement from the Court that the Article 127(1) term had ended. The Court could have also taken the opportunity to provide clarity on the status of the situation to the public and, above all, to the withdrawing State whose representatives (like some Bijumbura residents), yearned for a sense of closure and had already...

...about what exactly it means “weapons of mass destruction.” The definition of the term is no small matter. The Senate would authorize the President to use military force “he determines to be necessary and appropriate in a limited and tailored manner against legitimate military targets in Syria, only to respond to the use of weapons of mass destruction by the Syrian government in the conflict in Syria,” to deter Syria’s use of such weapons, and to degrade Syria’s capacity to use those weapons in the future. What are “weapons of...

...using the term “lawfare,” although for different reasons than those Kevin noted. Now I realize I should’ve given this comment more thought, but at the same time I’m very pleased to have helped generate the side-discussion over Kevin’s use of the term “bravery,” which is fascinating in itself. In my original post I wrote that “lawfare” is a Palestinian prerogative, and therefore I clearly think that it’s both politically and legally legitimate, and so I can’t think that it has such negative connotations as Kevin apparently thinks I do. In...

...property right of both sides arose. These competing rights have led to numerous litigation in front of the court and were accompanied by heated political debates and violence between the sides – the Jewish and Palestinian owners of the houses. In this judgment, the court ruled that the Palestinian owners of the land can remain on their property, and thus halted an eviction. Nonetheless, this situation is temporary, until the land ownership question will be fully understood, in the regular process. Thus, the long-term consequences of the decision are yet...

...security and warfare. Defining Responsible AI in the military is therefore also a complex process. It is much more than a catch-all term used for political declarations.  As argued by Vincent Boulanin and Dustin Lewis, the concept of Responsible AI so far “appears to be more or less an empty shell”. Only a few states have published guidelines and clarifications on what they consider to be responsible applications of AI and autonomy in the military. Research by UNIDIR demonstrates that “the global AI policy landscape is still at a nascent...

Monday, December 14 – The climate negotiations ground to a halt for much of today, as negotiators debated the organization of work for the second and final week of the meeting. The ostensible cause of the breakdown was concern among (some?) developing countries that the Kyoto Protocol (KP) track in the negotiations is moving more slowly, and getting less attention, than the Convention track (the so-called Long-Term Cooperation Action track, or LCA) (although since the LCA track is itself moving very slowly, it is a bit difficult to understand the...

...there differences between common law and civil law trained lawyers involved in these negotiations? This is a complicated question, especially since the preceding analysis, if it teaches us anything, teaches us that one cannot assume that each reference to the term “intent” – or any similar term – means the same thing. Different people mean different things when they talk the language of intent. Ironically, comparative analysis because more difficult, not less difficult, when the participants are using the same terms. When they are using different terms, one can safely...

...to use the language of conflict instead, the TRC was whitewashing its crimes. The stage was set for what would become Peru’s most enduring political debate in the 21st century: what happened in the 80s and 90? Armed Conflict? Or Terrorism? Of course, the premise of the debate itself are mistaken. Armed conflict is a legal term that determines the application of IHL. Terrorism is a crime that can be committed both in times of armed conflict or in times of peace. Sources are absolutely clear on this. One does...

...the same powers that the Fed has to deal with a liquidity crisis – the ability to flood the system with liquidity in order to persuade the public that there is a lender of last resort willing to lend. (The problem for the ECB as well as the Fed is that this is only half of Bagehot’s classic advice for central banking – lend freely, yes, but on punitive terms with good collateral (so as to deter moral hazard). That last part, starting with the “punitive terms,” appears to be...

...even social interdependence plays out transnationally. Natural disasters everywhere are absorbed and responded to by everyone elsewhere. Long term (and I mean very long term), that should point to a global disaster apparatus. The emergence of some global norms relating to disasters (noted by Kristen below) is a starting point. The increase in private transnational disaster relief (which I suspect has been dramatic) is another. Transborder disasters (most are) are increasingly seen in global perspective. Some are noting that Sandy’s impact in Haiti has been much more grave than suspended...