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further into these arguments, I understood that in part this arose from journalists, lawyers unfamiliar with the law of war, and others who mistakenly believed that the law of war existed in total in the four Geneva Conventions, and perhaps Protocol I. So, for example, an editorial in the Economist a couple of years back announced breathlessly, if ill advisedly, that the terms “unprivileged belligerent” or “illegal combatant” were nowhere to be found in the four Geneva Conventions: well, neither are the term “war criminal” or “war crime,” but of...

...social bond but of relatively small size—26 million Swiss Francs—that underwrites the building of three new rehabilitation centers in Africa. At the end of the bond’s five-year term, four European countries and the “la Caixa” Foundation will pay the ICRC funds destined for repayment of all or only a part of the principal of the bond to the social investors depending upon the outcome. The better the results in terms of victims treated, the more these “Outcome Funders” pay in and thus the better the return for the social investors....

(for the use of the term “violent extremism”). It can be argued that this is problematic for multiple reasons, one being that using “opaque and deeply contested” terms can allow for their abusive application and as a result the adoption of a broad range of measures in relation to these terms, some of which might not be in respect of human rights or the rule of law. The second is that these undefined, contested terms can then make their way into legally-binding legislation as a result of the soft law...

[Andreas Buser is a senior research assistant at Freie Universität Berlin and lecturer of international economic law at the Institute of International Law, Intellectual Property and Technology Law at TU Dresden in summer 2021. He is affiliated with the KFG-Research Group “The Rule of International Law – Rise or Decline” and serves as a co-investigator within the Berlin-Glasgow research project on “The Law of Protracted Conflict: Bridging the Humanitarian- Development Divide” .] Academic fulfilment is at its largest when writing is not an end in itself but encourages others to...

...boundaries. It is an immense learning exercise for all involved, both to be introduced to critical perspectives and to realize that to engage with critique means privilege. Even more than that, it is crucial that we accept different perspectives on social norms as it relates to, for instance, gender roles, gender identity, or terminology around oppression, colonialism, resistance, and democracy. In conclusion, we need a paradigm shift, and we can only try to contribute to it. It will take a long-term and concerted effort for the C to become visible....

...implications for vital issues such as safeguarding, participation and consent by children, and sex education. Measures that I find particularly concerning include reprisals such as censorship, legal harassment, (…) removal from social media platforms, speaking engagements and the refusal to publish research conclusions and articles.” The Special Rapporteur’s statements are not only significant in terms of their content but also because they highlight that international law has not yet settled on the best and most legitimate responses to this highly complex social issue. Therefore, a call for prudence: it is...

...echoing Art. 55 of the First Additional Protocol and Art. 8(2)(b)(iv) of the Rome Statute, the Belgian definition requires an act to cause “serious, widespread and long-term” environmental damage. The IEP definition, by contrast, follows ENMOD and requires only that an act cause “severe and either widespread or long-term damage to the environment.” The actus reus of the Belgian definition is thus much more difficult to satisfy than the actus reus of the IEP definition, excluding serious environmental damage that is either widespread or long-term but not both. Indeed, in...

Constitutional representative democracy. Mihai Martoiu Ticu His substantive argument is as follows: Premise 1: Ilya Somin is U.S. citizen. Premise 2: Whatever U.S. says goes. There are no international courts necessary to prove any American legal argument. Conclusion: Ilya Somin is right. QED Ian You might have also "overlooked", that Somin has made another groundbreaking discovery: The term "war" as a legally meaningful distinction from the term "armed conflict". The textbooks of 101 IHL might have to be rewritten! Along Somin, armed conflict generally doesn't trigger legality for target killing...

researchers in essential verification skills. In 2023, the Hertie School DVC became the first EU-based corps, founded by a good friend and colleague, Pablo Maristany de las Casas, who had completed his professional year at Amnesty International, alongside Marija Ristic, the DVC manager at Amnesty. The initiative emerged from a pressing reality: a global shift toward conservative and authoritarian governance and a corresponding rise in human rights violations in the last decade. I joined as a researcher in the founding cohort and was elected co-coordinator for the 2024 cohort alongside...

...of Racial Discrimination (CERD) does not include discrimination on the basis of current nationality neither explicitly nor implicitly under the term ‘national origin’. In this article, I try to explain the several reasons why this interpretation is problematic. Summary of the Controversy: In the wake of the Qatar diplomatic crisis in 2017, United Arab Emirates (UAE) established a series of measures to prevent Qatari nationals from entering UAE, to expel Qatari nationals and residents in the UAE, to close the airspace and seaport for all Qataris and to block several...

...is a conservative Democrat from West Virginia who literally shot the cap-and-trade bill in a TV ad during his campaign, I wouldn’t count on any movement at all on this front over the next two years. 2) Guantanamo – Let’s just say it is going to stay open until at least the end of President Obama’s first term, and maybe well into his second term (if there is a second term). 3) Civilian trials in U.S. of Guantanamo detainees – This is a mixed bag, but Congress can have a...

space. Nonetheless, the concept plainly does exist within the corpus of space law, though whether it has been particularly helpful or not remains another matter. The reference was made in the article to further emphasise the unique legal categorization of outer space in terms of a res communis ‘common’ asset, as opposed to traditional international law (and terrestrial) notions associated with territory. 2. I agree with Professor von der Dunk that the term ‘space tourism’ may be(come) too simplistic to aptly cover the multitude of different ways (and purposes) in...