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The Gottingen Journal of International Law has just made available online its new special issue that focuses on the relationship between resources and conflicts. This issuse is the result of a symposium which was held this past October. The sixteen papers are organized around the four panel themes: (a) resources before, during, and after conflicts; (b) actors of armed conflicts and international...

I am proud and delighted to report that my former student and current friend, Golriz Ghahraman, has accepted a position as a prosecutor at the ECCC.  I don't think I'm old enough or distinguished enough to have a protege -- but if I am, she's it.  Golriz, who is Iranian-Kiwi, is by far the most gifted student I've ever had,...

At The New Yorker blog, a useful discussion of the legal issues in the OBL attack. As Raffi Khatchadourian writes: What was true in Iraq and in the Second World War also applies in the ongoing conflicts in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Targeted air strikes are status-based operations. The drone strikes are status-based operations. Raids conducted by Special Forces to kill key...

At the end of my last post I alluded to preemption as an obstacle to receiving an offer. Many times authors will be able to determine for themselves whether their article is novel or whether someone else had the same idea in 1986. Other times information about possibly preempting articles is more asymmetrical. My impression is that there are a...

[caption id="attachment_15758" align="alignleft" width="276" caption=" "][/caption]So where are the happiest mothers in the world? According to Save the Children, it's Norway. Norway has the highest ratio of female-to-male earned income, the highest contraceptive prevalence rate, one of the lowest under-5 mortality rate and one of the most generous maternity leave policies in the developed world. The other countries in...

I hope readers have been following the backlash against CUNY's Board of Trustees for its cowardly decision not to award Tony Kushner an honorary degree from John Jay college because one trustee -- with no notice, and giving Kushner no opportunity to respond -- lied about his political beliefs and accused him of being "anti-Israel."  Here is a bit of...

If I were the Obama administration, I would be looking to put together an ad hoc task force of senior administration lawyers, led by Harold Koh, to defend the following propositions as matters of law. It is: okay to enter a country that is “unable or unwilling,” [temporarily recall Deeks to DOS] okay to treat it as armed conflict under jus ad...

In earlier posts I’ve talked about some of the gatekeeping points in the submissions process, although I’ve largely described them from a procedural angle. Today’s post deals with the substantive angle. Take the cursory review stage, when editors might sort incoming submissions into reject and consider further piles. Each journal and each editor will have their own policies (and thus...

I suspect that many of our readers already receive ASIL Insights, but for those of you who do not, I wanted to flag the release yesterday of Pakistan's Sovereignty and the Killing of Osama Bin Laden by Ashley Deeks, a former colleague of mine in the Legal Adviser's Office at the U.S. State Department. Deeks is now a fellow at...

For my final guest contribution regarding Bin Laden's killing, I'm reposting (with permission) a piece that was just published by Foreign Policy magazine entitled The Bin Laden Aftermath: Why Obama Chose SEALs, Not Drones.  I look forward to comments from the OJ community.

Why did the United States choose to launch a raid against al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden's compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan, rather than bombing it?  It wasn't because of a "law enforcement mindset."  And it wasn't compelled by human rights law.  Rather, it was the best option based on the military objectives, available intelligence, and the law of armed conflict.

On the one hand, practical considerations dictated this riskier kind of raid.  The United States needed to have a body to prove, once and for all, that the hard-to-kill Bin Laden was in fact dead.  The recent media fascination with whether the U.S. will release photos of his body lends credence to this concern.

A second issue prompting the raid was that the Obama administration was worried about collateral damage.  This problem is more serious than some may initially suspect.  Abbottabad is a heavily populated city, with nearly 1 million residents.  Moreover, numerous civilian residences and the Pakistani military academy were near bin Laden's "drone-proof compound." There's little doubt that the risks to nearby residents certainly weighed on the minds of senior policymakers and President Obama.  The matter of collateral damage alone, though, may not have been enough to tip the scales away from a bombing operation.

Instead, the issue may have been the uncertainty over whether Bin Laden was even in the compound.  Nation-states are simply not permitted to  drop bombs in the hope they will kill the right person; they need to be reasonably certain they are attacking the right target.  That fact leads us to the legal concerns that may have necessitated a raid rather than a bombing operation.

The Requirement to Positively Identify a Target

Most contemporary discussions of collateral damage skip the threshold legal question likely posed by the Obama administration, namely whether bin Laden or some other lawful military target was actually inside the compound.  Unless that question could be answered to a reasonable degree of certainty, any bombing operation would have been unlawful, even with no or minimal collateral damage to surrounding persons and objects.

This reality flows from the principle of distinction, (or "positive identification" in U.S. military parlance) a fundamental tenet of the law of armed conflict.  Armed forces are required to "at all times distinguish between the civilian population and combatants and between civilian objects and military objectives and accordingly shall direct their operations only against military objectives."  Positive identification, according to U.S. policies, requires that commanders know with reasonable certainty that "a functionally and geospatially defined object of attack is a legitimate military target."  In short, directing attacks against civilians (in this context, non-uniformed personnel) is not permitted, unless they are directly participating in hostilities.

 

I wonder whether the current kerfuffle over whether there was a legal obligation to invite OBL to surrender would be different had the Obama administration, and John Brennan and Eric Holder in particular, not inexplicably displayed a certain hesitation on the question of capture versus kill. Suppose that faced with that initial, and entirely predictable, question — did the SEALs attempt to capture Bin Laden? — Brennan had instead brooked no opposition and snapped back with visible irritation — of course they were not attempting to capture him, they were there to attack and kill him, to attack him with lethal force.  This was an armed lethal attack upon a a criminal adversary of the United States in an armed conflict, without cavil or apology.  They were sent to attack and kill him as someone who was targetable with lethal force and no warning at any time.  Which, as explanations go, and (at least as it appears at this particular moment) does have the virtue of being true, as well as legally sound. Brennan's response was weak - he's not the legal counsel, after all - but Holder's was also weak.  Particularly as differing accounts have dribbled out, the administration has found it surprisingly hard simply to say (with apologies to Mary Ellen O'Connell), it is not law enforcement, and of course it was legal to target OBL, legal to target with lethal force, legal to target without warning or invitation to surrender, and that has always been the US legal position.  I don’t understand how this entirely obvious question wasn’t briefed and anticipated, with an answer directly from Harold Koh’s 2010 American Society of International Law address on exactly this point:
Some have argued that the use of lethal force against specific individuals fails to provide adequate process and thus constitutes unlawful extrajudicial killing. But a state that is engaged in an armed conflict or in legitimate self-defence is not required to provide targets with legal process before the state may use lethal force .... The principles of distinction and proportionality that the US applies are … implemented rigorously throughout the planning and execution of lethal operations to ensure that such operations are conducted in accordance with all applicable law .... Some have argued that our targeting practices violate domestic law, in particular, the longstanding domestic ban on assassinations. But under domestic law, the use of lawful weapons systems — consistent with the applicable laws of war — for precision targeting of specific high-level belligerent leaders when acting in self-defence or during an armed conflict is not unlawful, and hence does not constitute ‘assassination’.