Philippe Sands on Torture

Philippe Sands on Torture

Philippe Sands gave an extensive interview on NPR’s Fresh Air yesterday.  Sands is already on record with his view that torture has occurred as a part of U.S. detention policy at GTMO and that high level officials are responsible for these acts.  Although I’m not sure he had much new to say, his careful and eloquent arguments make for easy listening.  He touts the recent Armed Services Committee report and the NYT editorial as consistent with his views.  And Sands names names. But he qualifies his campaign as one focused on investigation, not prosecution, to see which officials were responsible for waterboarding detainees, acts he views as clearly constituting torture.  Highest on his list, despite the lack of a paper trail, is David Addington, followed shortly by Donald Rumsfeld and Jim Haynes.  He characterizes Alberto Gonzalez as a “bag carrier” and John Yoo, as a “rubber stamp,” but both make his top 5.  Also on Sands’ radar screen are Doug Feith and Paul Wolfowitz.

I’m dubious that Sands’ views will have much traction with an Obama Administration seeking to heal a bipartisan divide and deal with a host of other pressing problems.  Indeed, like the NYT editorial, Sands recognizes the gap between what he’d like to see happen and what will likely happen.  As a result, he focuses his advice for Obama in a less punitive direction: (a) an independent inquiry of the process by which torture was allowed to occur by someone like Patrick Fitzgerald; (b) an unequivocal rejection of torture by the USG in accordance with international standards, namely the Convention against Torture (CAT); (c) a quick closure of GTMO; and (d) a return to criminal law frameworks for combating terrorism in lieu of the “war on terror” moniker, which Sands suggests has caused the same sorts of problems that arose in debating how to characterize the IRA during The Troubles.

In particular, I found two of Sands’ statements quite provocative.  First, at several points in the interview, he talked about universal jurisdiction and the legal duty states have to prosecute those who violate the CAT.  He even crafts a Pinochet-like hypothetical where a former-Bush Administration official finds himself abroad and subjected to an extradition request by a “Belgian prosecutor.”  Maybe it was unintentional, but listening to Sands, I got the sense that his hypothetical might have some grounding in reality (indeed, he made special mention of how prosecutorial networking had preceded Pinochet’s arrest). Given his own networks within the various European legal communities, I would not be surprised if Sands was speaking in more than mere hypotheticals here.  I’d be interested to know if others share my impression of Sands’ comments.

Second, Sands made an interesting argument about the importance of Eric Holder’s confirmation as Attorney General; specifically, what he’ll say when asked if waterboarding is torture.  Sands suggests that if Holder says waterboarding is torture in all circumstances (which the previous two Attorney Generals have refused to do), it will have legal consequences for the United States; i.e., if U.S. officials sanctioned waterboarding and the United States now understands waterboarding to be torture per se, then under the CAT, the United States has a legal obligation to investigate who conducted or authorized such waterboarding and to prosecute or extradite them.  And, if the United States fails to do so, Sands suggests that other countries might step into the breach, relying on Holder (or other nominee statements) as evidence of an international legal violation that binds them to respond.  Although such a move would have significant diplomatic and political overtones, I suspect it’s a much more plausible scenario as we move beyond the Bush Administration.  Indeed, one wonders whether the Obama Administration might even warn former officials off of traveling to avoid having to deal with the problem an arrest would create.  In any event, after listening to Sands, I now plan to listen more closely to how Holder and other nominees deal with the torture question in the weeks ahead.  Their responses may not only signal shifts in U.S. detention policy, but also frame foreign states’ own legal options vis-a-vis U.S. detention practices and the CAT.

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Europe, Featured, Foreign Relations Law, International Criminal Law, International Human Rights Law, National Security Law
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Patrick S. O'Donnell

I’ve said this (or something like it) on this blog before but perhaps it bears repeating: as long as Henry Kissinger is still a free man then there’s little or no hope whatsoever for prosecuting any high level officials from the Bush administration. His crimes were of far greater magnitude and mendacity, yet we’ve conspicuously failed to hold him accountable. Why would we think any of these individuals will be held to account for their conspiracy to commit or complicity in acts of torture?

Charles Gittings

Duncan,

Setting aside any and all fortune-telling, and noting that torture is just part of the big picture here, I have a question:

Do you or do you not understand that the Bush administration has in fact committed a great many crimes against against peace, crimes against humanity, and war crimes, many of which are also violations of US criminal  statues?

Charles Gittings

Sorry about the double post… I sometimes have trouble with the OJ website.

Charles Gittings

Gee Duncan,

Was my question out of line in some way?

The point of asking was clarity. What’s the point of evasion?

NewStream Dream
NewStream Dream

Charles, I have a question that I have been meaning to ask you.  As a non-lawyer (and forgive me if my assumption is incorrect), how do you parse through the complex international legal doctrines, deduce that those legal doctrines were violated by the Bush administration, then tackle the complex issue of the application of international law in the domestic sphere, and again deduce that those international legal norms create domestic legal obligations, and then, after all that, go though the legal minefield that is determining if said violations impart criminal liability through the chain of command all the way up to the upper eschelons of the Bush administration.  For example, do you apply the Tadic or Nicaragua command responsability model. I am a lawyer, and I have a very, very hard time keeping all these balls in play.  Plus, I don’t even know all the facts yet.  Like I don’t know who knew what in the Bush administration, I don’t know the full scope of the argument that maybe, for example, the US persistently obejcted to certian geneva conventions. All these things give me pause before jumping on a blog and saying person X should be sharing soda with Prof.… Read more »

Charles Gittings

Duncan, Sorry. I do understand that and wasn’t meaning to be accusatory… But it’s a simple question, and I did wait a bit. I’m probably a little impatient because I think it’s an important topic and had some other questions in mind depending on your response, which in the event, I find somewhat intriguing… I tried to ask a straight yes or no question, and got: “I’d prefer … to leave conclusions as to criminal charges … to those authorized to make them.” I imagine some of your students might like to use that answer on an exam now and then, but doubt they’d get a very good grade for it. Like bloggers and law profs don’t deal with hypos like bread and butter?? The reality is that every single individual who is presently authorized to make such decisions is actively aiding and abetting the crimes and / or obstructing justice, including the current US Attorney General. Now I’m familiar with what Will Taft tried to do, and commend you for whatever small role you played in his effort. On the other hand, it seems to me that your experience in that matter should give you a better than average… Read more »

Charles Gittings

NSD, You are correct, I’m not a lawyer, though it’s literally the case that I’ve spent more time reading law over the last seven years than it takes to get though law school, most of it focused on a narrow range of constitutional, IHL, and military law issues.   I’m also a very long story. Mostly self-educated, and very broadly. My professional background is in programming / systems analysis. Before that I was a tournament Bridge-player and Chess-player. I started seriously studying history, philosophy, and military strategy when I was ten, and began with the great issues of power, war, and peace — the fact that I turned ten in mid-summer 1962 had something to do with that. So weirdly enough, there came a day in 1987 when I realized that something like 911 was virtually inevitable, and that it would actually be possible for a small terrorist organization to defeat a great power like the US in a war.  I’ve been thinking about the implications of such a war ever since, and when 911 actually happened, I not only wasn’t surprised, I immediately understood that we were looking at one of my worst-case scenarios: an extremist right-wing US government.… Read more »

Patrick S. O'Donnell

Charles, How dare you have the chutzpah (or temerity, audacity…) to attempt to understand the law! Why you’re just a layperson, a non-lawyer no less, and you think you possess the ability “to parse through the complex international legal doctrines, deduce that those legal doctrines were violated by the Bush administration, then tackle the complex issue of the application of international law in the domestic sphere, and again deduce that those international legal norms create domestic legal obligations, and then, after all that, go though the legal minefield that is determining if said violations impart criminal liability through the chain of command all the way up to the upper eschelons of the Bush administration”???!!!! While I’ll admit to being sometimes put off by your rhetoric and tone, I still have much admiration for the tenacity of your dedicated and assiduous amateur pursuits in this area and I do think your head and heart are often in the right place, which is more than one might say for a few legal scholars or lawyers. Anyway, persevere. [I suppose my empathy for and identification with your efforts arise from the fact that I too am on the ‘outside looking in’ as it… Read more »

Charles Gittings

NSD,

So here’s one of the key bits of evidence, the one that convinced me they were in fact committing war crimes BARD.

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/02/20020207-13.html

In particular:

“The United States is treating and will continue to treat all of the individuals detained at Guantanamo humanely and, to the extent appropriate and consistent with military necessity, in a manner consistent with the principles of the Third Geneva Convention of 1949.”

What that literally means is “we will obey Geneva except when we violate it,” the key to understanding that being the term of art “military necessity” — their formula is an obvious lie.

So were their factual assertions, as was obvious from their own reporting and photographs about the detainees at JTF-GTMO.

If there was as much evidence against a crack dealer, they’d have been indicted and convicted long ago. And mind you — I’m talking about what was known publicly in February 2002; this is January 2009 and the evidence has been accumulating ever since. No, we don’t have all of it, but we have more than enough to get convictions right now.

Charles Gittings

Well thanks for the props Patrick. The tone is just a symptom of my frustration. It’s been seven years now, and the facts simply could not be much more obvious than they are right now. These people are murderous war criminals and demented neo-fascists who have literally spent eight years systematically subverting and corrupting the laws of the United States for criminal purposes. That isn’t rhetoric, it’s a fact. I understood a long time ago is that the only way to solve a problem is to first understand it, I’ve got seven years of evidence that says my analysis has been right on the money from day one, and all of it was purely a matter of analyzing the facts. What can I say? I don’t have a lot of fancy academic credentials because school always slowed me down and I’m mostly self-educated, but I know what I’m doing and I know that I’m good at it because I’ve been at it for almost 50 years now. The problem here is that so many folks get stuck in tape recorded conventional wisdom and institutional mindsets and don’t analyze the facts; and look where it’s gotten us — it’s enough to… Read more »

NewStream Dream
NewStream Dream

Charles,

I just want to add one last point on this topic.  I just pulled up the list of the most cited international law scholars, you can get the list over at Brian Leiter’s cite if you are interested.  Out of the 18 scholars Leiter lists in this field, I can only think of about 4 who have come out publicly and said, as have you, that somebody in the Bush administration has committed a war crime, end of story.  Now before somebody says my number is wrong and person X said Y, I could have missed some but the point is that out of the 18, very, very few have reached the same conclusion as you.

Given that the best in this field seem to be reserving judgment … I don’t know but that would give me pause if I were you.

Charles Gittings

NSD, Let me assure you, that gives me PLENTY of worries — about the overall competence and integrity of the bar,  and equally, the academic standards at our law schools. But it’s an interesting question, indeed, one I’ve been thinking about since 2001. I didn’t know nearly as much then as I do now, but I’m a systems analyst, and no stranger to institutional inertia or contentious disputes for high stakes; so I wasn’t exactly a babe in the woods either. So let’s look at the list. I don’t keep a scorecard of such things, but I’m certainly familiar with some of the names here… http://www.leiterrankings.com/faculty/2007faculty_impact_areas.shtml#InternationalLaw Two are directly implicated in the crimes, Yoo and Goldsmith; and one is an apologist, Posner. There are also two I’ve had the privilege of getting to know a little in the course of my project,  Jordan Paust and Tony D’Amato; plus two  I respect quite a bit from reading some of their stuff, Harold Koh and Jose Alvarez. I’m not sure if the latter would say flat out these were crimes, but I’m very sure he’d concede it was a real possibility. The other three I’m not in doubt about, and Prof. Paust… Read more »

Charles Gittings

And gee, I’m having a tough time typing with my ten thumbs tonight…. I’m breaking in a new laptop, still getting used to the keyboard, and a I’m lousy typist even on my old PC.

The New Stream Dream
The New Stream Dream

Charles,

The statement “beyond the fact that I’m not a fan of arguments from authority in any case” means that you are not making legal arguments.  If you don’t think authority supports your argument that war crimes have been committed, then war crimes have not been committed.  Authority is at the heart of what is legal.  That’s like a doctor saying “I don’t diagnose based on symptoms.”

As far as the list goes, your argument is circular.  You feel the list is not a good proxy because people who disagree with you, like Posner, are on the list.