Searching for State Practice

Searching for State Practice

I’m wondering whether customary international law really exists anymore. No, I’m not talking about Posner and Goldsmith’s use of rational choice methodology to attack the normative value of customary international law; I’m not looking to quarrel with this blog’s namesake, opinio juris, or its effects on relations between states and other subjects of international law. Rather, my inquiry stems from how we conceive of custom’s creation. Traditionally, customary international law was defined as (1) a state practice of (2) some generality among states, with (3) sufficient uniformity in the practice itself, that (4) states perform out of a sense of legal obligation (a.k.a. the aforementioned opinio juris). Debates over customary international law have long focused on the last three elements – i.e., does customary international law regulate a state that has persistently or subsequently objected to the practice? What happens to custom when a state’s practice deviates from the existing rule? How do we tell when a practice derives from a sense of legal obligation as opposed to political expediency (or, to use the modern parlance, national interest)?

I think these are all important questions and ones we’ll likely see subject to continuing debate. They all hinge, however, on the idea that it is the practice of states that creates customary international law. But is state practice still the driving force for defining what constitutes customary international law? In reality, isn’t most of what we regard as custom today derived not from what states do, but what states have generally agreed they should do. Aren’t treaties now the default source for finding a customary international law binding on states who are not bound by the treaty itself? For example, when faced with a question of diplomatic law, do you actually survey state practice to decide what’s the current state of customary diplomatic law? I don’t think so. Rather, I expect most international lawyers turn to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations as a “codification” of the customary rules (even if at the time of its formulation some of its terms were not entirely consistent with state practice). And wouldn’t you use treaties in a similar fashion to identify other key areas of customary international law — e.g., the law of treaties, the laws of war, or the law of the sea?

This leads me to three questions. First, is my premise correct that most custom today is delineated in written instruments rather than the observed practice of states? Are there any areas where custom remains the product of state action (or inaction) in lieu of negotiated texts reflecting states’ visions of what the law is (or should be)? I’d be interested in specific examples if readers have any to offer. Second, is the simple solution to this change to widen our conception of what constitutes “state practice” to incorporate the act of negotiating or agreeing to certain principles, even in the absence of states’ actual observance of those principles? Or, does the fact that states don’t necessarily practice what they preach undermine the whole conception of customary international law? Finally, if you accept my proposition that we are no longer identifying custom through state practice, what implications, if any, does this have for it as a source of international law? Should we be rethinking the whole notion of custom or, for that matter, treaties? For example, couldn’t we divide a treaty’s legal force depending upon whether it has received a state’s specific consent (consistent with the age-old conception of pacta sunt servanda), while at the same time recognizing that treaties can still bind non-consenting states if the treaty otherwise has sufficient support from the international community as a whole (which seems to actually be the case with so many general “law-making” treaties today)? I know I’m not the first to wrestle with these issues, so I’m interested to hear how others would address these questions.

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Patrick S. O'Donnell
Patrick S. O'Donnell

Unfortunately–or fortunately from another vantage point–I’m not qualified to answer the questions raised here but I do think they’re extremely important, touching as they might (or, as I believe: do and should), on various theories/philosophies of international law and politics. My intuition is that you’re in the main correct here on the contemporary role of customary international law vis-a-vis written instruments.

In short, I’m grateful for your having raised these rather ‘grand’ questions. I think attempts at answering them will be rather productive in the long-term, not unlike recent attempts to figure out the referents of obligations erga omnes and jus cogens norms, even though, as in the latter case, there appears to be little prospect of agreement among legal pratitioners and theorists as to the answers to these questions.

Robert Nanders

I can’t help but think that too much time here is being spent on semantics, and not enough time on actually trying to understand the problems at hand.

E.g. “does customary international law regulate a state that has persistently or subsequently objected to the practice?”

Are you really asking if a law applies to an actor that doesn’t like it? It depends on where the law comes from, of course, and speaks more about this source and who is enforcing it that it does about the noncomforming agent at hand. Yes, the law applies to such a state if a bigger and more powerful agent decides to make it so. If none does, the de facto, the law does not apply. You can only describe the situation in terms of reality or your projections and predictions thereof.

If you’re talking about theory, should it, then you need standards to judge, and of course, every party is going to bring something different to the table. Ultimately, agreement may be impossible between all parties, leading to a collapse back into the above situation. Are they forced into compliance or not?

Tobias Thienel

Just a brief comment on your question whether ‘the fact that states don’t necessarily practice what they preach undermine[s] the whole conception of customary international law’: As I see it, the continued value of the traditional doctrine you mentioned in the face of this fact depends on the definition of state practice within it. If it is accepted that state practice encompasses ‘everything that states say or do with regard to international law’ (as the late Dr Michael Akehurst has argued more than once), there is no problem. The (sometimes hypocritical) statements by national leaders will themselves play a considerable role in shaping the law, especially because they will make it difficult to state that the real life actions going against such statements are also the expression of an opinio juris.

Francis Franze-Nakamura
Francis Franze-Nakamura

These are all exciting questions that deserve a much larger forum in which to answer them. I am somewhat confused, however, about why the codification of customary international law in treaties somehow undermines the traditional notion of customary international law. Treaty negotiation and creation is itself an important aspect of state practice. Your blog post asks whether “most custom today is delineated in written instruments.” I believe a more pertinent question is whether most treaties have risen to the level of custom? The answer to this, I believe, is a resounding no. It is for this reason that the traditional customary international law analysis remains useful because it provides a means of using these treaties (along with other evidence of state practice and opinion juris) to assess whether there is an emerging norm of customary international law in a particular area. To find examples of specific areas where custom remains the product of state action (including treaty negotiation and creation), I recommend that you poke around the International Law Commission’s website. Their efforts to codify customary law often go unnoticed, but they remain one of the best examples of how to do the analysis correctly. In particular, I believe you… Read more »