Search: kony 2012

...commit, such as the abductions of women and children (Ongwen Judgment, paras. 3097, 3113). Furthermore, intercepted radio communications indicated that Ongwen had personally communicated the results of particular attacks to Kony and the LRA leadership (Ibid., paras. 2911, 3010) and that the defendant had taken responsibility for some of those attacks (Ibid., para. 2963). Based on all of the available information the judges concluded that Ongwen’s actions were of such nature that they ‘could only have been undertaken intentionally’ (Ibid., para. 2865, emphasis added). Overall, the analysis of the judges’...

...in the context of the development of a Policy on Slavery Crimes. Additionally, charges of reproductive violence feature in the document containing the charges against LRA founder and leader Joseph Kony, issued earlier this year.  Reproductive crimes were until recently relatively inconspicuous in international criminal law and were generally subsumed under the category of sexual violence, thereby neglecting the specific harm they inflict: the violation of an individual’s reproductive autonomy. This aspect was underscored by the Ongwen Trial Chamber which found that the evil committed by the crime of forced...

[Alexander K.A. Greenawalt is an Associate Professor at Pace University School of Law] Let me start by thanking Opinio Juris and the Virginia Journal of International Law for hosting this online symposium. I am also honored that Mark Drumbl has graciously agreed to be my respondent. In 2005, the International Criminal Court issued warrants for the arrest of Joseph Kony, the leader of Uganda’s murderous Lord’s Resistance Army, as well as four other high-level LRA suspects (two of whom reportedly have since died) to answer charges of crimes against humanity...

...2025, approximately three months after the Yekatom and Ngaïssona judgment, incorporated intersectionality more significantly, with the defendant being convicted of persecution on political, ethnic and gender grounds. The same could be said about the Kony Confirmation Decision, issued in November 2025. In this ruling, persecution was confirmed on age and gender grounds with regards to boys and girls abducted and integrated into the defendant’s armed group (pp. 96, 100; see also Grover, pp. 41-89). It is interesting to note that, except for the alternate judge, all members of the Yekatom...

The long-awaited peace deal in Uganda may finally get done, according to this NYT report. But the ICC problem is not going away, since Kony is saying he will sign, but not implement the deal unless his arrest warrant is lifted. And although the ICC is talking tough, it is also showing signs they are preparing for a climbdown, at least its judges are considering it perhaps. “The I.C.C.’s position has been over and over again that the indictments stand and they are valid,” said Maria Mabinty Kamara, a public...

...posterity,” he told AFP. In addition to protecting the wildlife, the agreement includes assurances from LRA supremo Joseph Kony, who has been hiding in Garamba just over the DRC’s eastern border with Sudan for months, that his fighters would not attack game wardens. “We wish to assure the rangers in Garamba Park that, provided they properly identify themselves and not attack us, we undertake to fully cooperate with them,” says the pact, which was signed by Ojul on Sunday with Kony’s authority. There is no question that the LRA’s motives...

...not shy away from branding. Through sensationalist narratives, putting a tactical media-spin on cases, it could be argued that we are witnessing the very same form of commodification Schwöbel-Patel points to in, among others, the case of Kony 2012. By storming out of the courtroom, it could be argued that Vergès plays into media’s constant quest for higher ratings and wider audiences, making the proceedings into a drama – a marketable good that can be packaged, promoted, and consumed. Surely, such publicity stunts “sell”. Then again, Vergès’s media maneuverings can...

...Hyperactivated by social media, coming to town can be to the ‘real-time’ place of violence, but it also can be to the ubiquitous virtual space. ‘The town’ sits in an easily accessible every-any-where.  Shouldn’t we think about the role of all the academics and activists and experts, armchair warriors with twitter handles, who market themselves, too, outrageously in outrage? This is the clicktivism phenomenon, which I have elsewhere noted in the context of child soldiers. You pick this up nicely with Kony 2012! But you remain pretty taciturn about the...

...admission. The Article 4(1) requirement of statehood would not be an obstacle for Palestine. In 2012, 138 states voted in the General Assembly to say that Palestine is a state, while only nine voted against. The Charter has no procedure to override a General Assembly resolution to admit a state. A favorable vote in the General Assembly would make Palestine a member state. [The author’s analysis is based on his article Who Admits New Members to the United Nations (Think Twice before You Answer , George Washington International Law Review,...

...questions. The opinion is notably different in emphasis from the majority Trial Judgment and Judge Akane and Judge Prost’s Separate Opinions. The trial and the majority Trial Judgment focused on Ansar Dine/AQIM’s system of governance during their occupation of Timbuktu in 2012; many of the charges depended on the characterisation of their rules and punishments as war crimes or crimes against humanity that, the Prosecution argued, had a disproportionate effect on women. As a result, the trial and judgment had to grapple with the criteria for legitimate domestic law and...

[Alexander Cooley is Professor of Political Science at Barnard College, Columbia University in New York and author of Great Games, Local Rules: the New Great Power Contest for Central Asia (Oxford 2012).] Among the many political layers of the crisis in Ukraine, I am especially interested in how these unfolding events are part of a broader attempt by Russia to confront the West’s broadly “liberal world order.” By the term I mean not only its most visible organizations such as NATO or the EU, but also the broader system of...

...in Rakhine State? Little was done to improve the lives of those who had stayed behind. They remain stuck in the brutal and dehumanising Apartheid state that has confined them to a squalid ghetto-like existence since the breakout of large-scale violence in 2012, where access to healthcare, education, and livelihoods is a daily struggle. Even today this Apartheid state, coupled with severe and arbitrary restrictions of movement, continues to provide a perfect framework for genocidal acts. In 2020, after two long years of violent conflict between the military and the...