Search: kony 2012

Syria has been hit by a wave of defections, with the latest–that of the ambassador to Iraq–coming yesterday. Kofi Annan has urged the UN to “reunite” regarding plans moving forward with Syria, suggesting “consequences” were Syria not to comply with the latest ceasefire calls. A human rights group, Women Under Siege, has reported that sexual violence is being used in Syria as a weapon in the conflict. Tensions between Japan and China are escalating ahead of an ASEAN summit over the islands dispute in the East China...

...has been indicted, by the international criminal court (ICC), has said he will never sign the final agreement unless the indictment is lifted. Look, peace may not be worth giving in to a murderous madman like Kony. And I think Kony may make a deal anyway, but if he doesn’t, the ICC has a tough decision ahead of it. The Ugandan government has pretty much done everything it can to accommodate Kony. But it cannot, repeat, cannot lift the ICC arrest warrants. Only the ICC can do that. Should they?...

pre-dates the adoption of Resolution 67/19, though the General Assembly did not indicate a point in time for Palestine becoming a state. The Prosecutor’s Office at the time erroneously took Resolution 67/19 to mean that Palestine’s statehood dated only from 29 November 2012. That error is not a problem for purposes of the current investigation, as the situations the Prosecutor has in mind to investigate post-date 29 November 2012. Palestine filed a declaration in 2015 under Rome Statute Article 12(3) giving the Court jurisdiction for the Gaza war of Summer...

It looks increasingly likely. Mali has formally self-referred the situation in the country to the ICC and the OTP has already opened a formal preliminary investigation. Here is yesterday’s statement from Fatou Bensouda: Today I received a delegation from the Government of Mali led by the Minister of Justice, H.E. Malick Coulibaly. The delegation transmitted a letter by which the Government of Mali, as a State Party to the ICC, refers “the situation in Mali since January 2012” to my Office and requests an investigation to determine whether one or...

...children. The persistence of sexual assaults, attacks on schools and hospitals, and recruitment of children into armies is serious. A number of countries have signed “action plans” with the UN to implement the principles in a concrete way. The ICC’s Lubanga judgment of August 2012 reinforced this effort – convicting him of conscription and enlistment of children under 15 for use in active hostilities. Similarly, the decision of the Special Court for Sierra Leone Tribunal in Taylor creates a strong legal framework to prosecute crimes against children. The feisty new...

The ICC Office of the Prosecutor has just released the following statement: Palestine is not a State Party to the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the ICC; neither has the Court received any official document from Palestine indicating acceptance of ICC jurisdiction or requesting the Prosecutor to open an investigation into any alleged crimes following the November 2012 United Nations General Assembly Resolution (67/19), which accorded non-member observer State status to Palestine. The ICC has no jurisdiction over alleged crimes committed on the territory of Palestine. I have three...

...negotiations, as indirectly proposed by the ICJ in its 2012 judgment), especially the right to an effective remedy, should not be rendered meaningless, while the victims of past atrocities should –at least– be granted the opportunity to present the merits of their claim. For my own critique to the FR’s arguments and proposals (and on whether it’s possible to overcome the fact that since the 2012 judgment all interested parties should accept that ‘Haga locuta est, causa finita est’ — to paraphrase your own lucid comment on a 2014 relevant...

...is the specific politics of the Third World state being enacted through the Court, in the same way as the West used the ICC to enacts its political agenda in the situation in Libya. Yet the question of Third World agency is muted here, even as the evidence suggests that the villainization and prosecution of LRA members (and indeed the Kony 2012 campaign Schwöbel-Patel carefully studies in Chapter 6) supports both Museveni’s political interests as well as his economic ones. A tantalizing window into this relationship exists in brief references...

...apparently envisions a situation in which the Prosecutor wishes to open an investigation into crimes committed in a state that later became party to the Statute, and asks that state whether it would accept the exercise of the Court’s jurisdiction over those earlier crimes. Kony In addition to Laurent Gbagbo and Côte d’Ivoire’s 12(3) declaration, the Pre-Trial Chamber also obliquely touched on both questions in issuing arrest warrants for Kony and his co-defendants. Uganda is a State Party, but the Statute only entered into force for it from 1 September...

...Evangelical surfer bro goes to help kids in Africa. He makes a campy video explaining genocide to the cast of Glee. The world finds his public epiphany to be shallow to the point of self-delusion. The complex geopolitics of central Africa are left undisturbed. Kony’s still there. The end. You see, when inspiration becomes manipulation, inspiration becomes obfuscation. If you are not cynical you should be sceptical. You should be as sceptical of placebo politics as you are placebo medicine. For more on Kony 2012, see our discussion of it,...

...the ICC and the Court should have started an investigation into the situation with no further delay (as it had been requested inter alia by the UN Fact Finding Mission on The Gaza Conflict, whose Report issued in September 2009 was endorsed by the UN, the European Parliament and a number of other international bodies). However, the OTP’s deliberation process was utterly disappointing at that time: it lasted over three years and was concluded by a mere two-pages decision in April 2012, that effectively deferred the question to a host...

...difference between the General Assembly resolution adopted in 1988 and the resolution adopted in 2012, is that by 2012, the Palestinian people had long been exercising self-governing powers in substantial sectors of the West Bank, and the General Assembly resolution explicitly recognised a Palestinian state. Whereas the effect of the 1988 resolution was to acknowledge the proclamation of a Palestinian state, thereby validating the Palestinian people’s exclusive title to the territories occupied by Israel in 1967, the effect of the 2012 resolution was to accord Palestine observer state status in...