Search: Affective Justice: Book Symposium: A Response

...Uganda 60. Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA), Nairobi, Kenya 61. Foundation for Human Rights & Democracy (FOHRD), Monrovia, Liberia 62. Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI), Uganda 63. Greater Northern Uganda Transitional Justice Working Group (GNTJWG), Gulu, Uganda 64. Group JEREMIE, Bukavu, DRC 65. Groupe Lufalanga Pour La Justice et La Paix, Makiso, DRC 66. Gulu NGO Forum, Uganda 67. Héritiers de la justice, Bukavu, DRC 68. Human Rights and Documentation Centre (HRDC), Windhoek, Namibia 69. Human Rights and Protection Forum (HRPF), Monrovia, Liberia 70. Human Rights Concern – Eritrea...

the moment comes, I would like to be at peace with myself. [Lauri R. Tanner]: Does “being at peace” with yourself relate to your life from here forward, like possibly becoming a judge at the World Court in The Hague? [Judge Trindade]: Yes, absolutely, it’s about the cause of justice, and the realization of justice.” This is the legacy that Judge Trindade leaves behind: a career and a life dedicated to the realization of justice through a humanized international law. It is one that will live on long after him....

[Adriana Rudling (@adrianarudling) is a Post-Doctoral Researcher at the Chr Michelsen Institute, Bergen Norway and a Post-Doctoral Visiting Fellow at the Instituto Pensar, Bogota, Colombia working on issues relating to the interactions between victims and transitional justice mechanisms.] The practice of transitional justice (TJ), and particularly truth commissions, emerges as “the bureaucratic response to bureaucratic murder” (p. 78). Given the perils of human rights prosecutions in the immediate aftermath of negotiated, often fragile, transitions, truth commissions were initially adopted as a second-best option to dealing with the human rights abuses...

bearing beyond these hearings. Coupmakers who slaughter their own people have no claim to authority, moral or otherwise. Meanwhile, avenues for justice remain rare and hard won. These proceedings are still a landmark chance to make the military answer for its crimes and build accountability, for Rohingya and all of Myanmar’s people. Gambia’s legal team underscored how the International Court of Justice is right now the only stage for justice where the military has been willing to engage: “There is presently no national or international body or institution of any kind to which Myanmar’s...

Jay Treaty in the 1790s, members of Congress were drawing this connection, and Congress relied on this power in the extradition and trademark context long before the Supreme Court decisions in Neely v. Henkel and Missouri v. Holland. In indicating that he would overrule Justice Harlan’s unanimous holding in Neely and Justice Holmes’s holding for the Court in Missouri with respect to the treaty-implementing power, Justice Scalia complained that these holdings lacked citation. I don’t think he intended irony, but I cannot help seeing it. For in stretching to hold...

[Dr. Matthew Saul is a Research Fellow at the Norwegian Centre for Human Rights and Lecturer at Durham University, UK (on leave)] This is the third response in our Symposium on the Functional Approach to the Law of Occupation. Earlier posts can be found in the Related Links at the end of this post. Thank you to all of my fellow symposium participants for a very interesting set of posts. This symposium has clearly raised a number of very important issues. One point that I find particularly interesting is the...

...was largely rhetorical, The Paquete Habana being the leading exception where the Court really did look to state practice to determine the content of customary international law. Second, there is a great deal of attention to “why” questions in the book. Individual authors address a number of the questions that Anderson raises and others too. What the book does not attempt to do is to view the history of international law in the Supreme Court through a single lens. Had the editors tried to impose a single viewpoint on our...

...in the pursuit of global justice, something that surely keeps the dreamers of international criminal justice up at night. It really wasn’t supposed to go this way. The ICC was meant to be a shining star in the liberal cosmopolitan trajectory which instructed the peoples of the world that no one could hide behind state sovereignty anymore. What mattered in global politics and ethics wasn’t still supposed to be states over all else. Slowly, but surely, the post-WWII global conscience was intended to wither away the rigidity of statehood as...

...OTP’s findings should be revisited. This contribution argues the OTP should pay a qualified deference to decisions of Israel’s Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice (“HCJ”) when conducting complementarity analysis with respect to a potential settlements case. We argue that this position is consistent with a textual interpretation of the Rome Statute, the Court’s jurisprudence to date, and sound policy reasons too. Complementarity and the Rome system of justice The Rome Statute contemplates a system of justice which is essentially based on two pillars. The first is...

five women are members of the European Court of Justice, two as judges and three as advocates-general. Women account for eight out of eighteen judges on the International Criminal Court; one of them serves as that court’s first vice-president. I think it is interesting to consider Justice Ginsburg’s point about the comparative success of women in the judiciary across jurisdictions. She certainly is correct that the United States is not leading the way on this issue. Of course, until Justice O’Connor’s retirement we had two of nine justices who were...

The blog Making Sense of Darfur has been hosting a symposium on Adam M. Smith’s book After Genocide: Bringing the Devil to Justice, in which the author argues — oversimplifying only slightly — that international criminal trials are always inferior to domestic trials and non-punitive accountability mechanisms. I have neither the time nor the inclination to address the book’s claims at length; interested readers should take a look at the critiques offered by Sarah Nouwen, Sadia al Imam, and Bridget Conley-Zilkic. I just want to highlight a claim that the...

demise, coincident with Rwandan criminal justice system reform initiatives, is motivated in part by the government’s efforts to make extradition to Kigali look like a more attractive option to Europeans harboring genocide suspects — not that gacaca is used for such suspects but general justice system appearances can be important). I noted, and academic literature has amply explored, the Frankenstein monster assemblage of a local, non-systematized, oral-tradition civil dispute mechanism (traditional gacaca) with a codified, state-centric criminal justice bureaucracy (what the Rwandan government has been operating). Clearly, traditional gacaca was...