Search: Affective Justice: Book Symposium: A Response

This week on Opinio Juris, Chris Borgen drew our attention to a NY Times op-ed explaining the surprising reason why in the grand bargain dividing the top posts at the World Bank and the IMF between the US and Europe, the US ended up with the World Bank rather than the IMF. Kevin Heller posted the abstract of his response in a mini-symposium of the Texas International Law Journal on Karl Chang’s article arguing that the law of neutrality provides the legal framework for the US conflict with Al-Qaeda. He...

[This post was jointly authored by Duncan Hollis and Joshua Newcomer] Ed Swaine brings his typical thoughtful (and rigorous) method to our article, and we greatly appreciate his insights, not only for engaging with our ideas but also for suggesting how we might advance them in future scholarship. Since Ed has framed his comments as questions, we’ve endeavored to provide responses to each of his five questions below. 1. What is the international significance of political commitments? Our research produced lots of anecdotal evidence on the widespread use of political...

[Ronald Slye is the Director of International and Comparative Law Programs and Professor at Seattle University School of Law] Lisa Laplante provides those of us interested in international criminal law, and more specifically the legitimacy of utilizing amnesties during a period of societal transition, with a valuable service by pointing us to, and carefully parsing, the Barrios Altos decision of Inter-American Court of Human Rights. It is a decision that, as she rightly states has not received as much attention as it deserves. While I am sympathetic to...

...Red Cross’s Nils Melzer, who so argued in an important book, Targeted Killing in International Law. And also Notre Dame law professor Mary Ellen O’Connell, who has argued this proposition (as well as an associated claim that all participation by CIA personnel in the use of force is an international crime). I cannot say that these claims — although heroically urged by the advocacy groups and their academic allies — have a basis in the law of war as the US (or really, leading war-fighting states) has traditionally understood it....

well considered decision. Although India is increasingly an exporter of capital, in the near term, India is likely attract more investor disputes against it. In addition, as Buser notes in his book, most of the signatories to the BITs did not consider these treaties as ‘hard’ legal instruments capable of enforcement and consequent monetary damages. Once they realised the perils of being parties to the investment treaties, their response was predictable to an extent. It is sound way to analyse the rising powers in four typologies – loyalists; reformers; revolutionaries;...

...with intermediaries.[3] It is important, then, that the OTP develop a detailed set of policies to guide its relationship with intermediaries. At the same time, such a focus should not diminish the work of intermediaries across other units of the Court as well, particularly the Victims Participation and Reparation Section, which remains grossly underfunded and understaffed.   [1] Holly Dranginis, ‘The Middle Man: The Intermediaries of International Criminal Justice’, 21 August 2011 <http://justiceinconflict.org/2011/08/21/the-middle-man-the-intermediaries-of-international-criminal-justice/> [2] Draft Guidelines Governing the Relations between the Court and Intermediaries (August 2011) 2. [3] Ibid 3....

[Karl-Heinz Ladeur is a Professor Emeritus at the University of Hamburg.] 1. Ming-Sung Kuo’s article proffers several hypotheses. One is that global administrative law can be regarded as an element of a “small c-constitutionalism” – as opposed to “large C-Constitutionalism” in a more fundamental approach to a transformation of international law into a new type of “global law beyond the state” (G. Teubner). The concept of “constitutionalism” has different meanings – this is a problem which might hinder a productive discussion. On the one hand it is focused...

I appreciate the comments from Professors Fontana and Ahdieh, and don’t have much to quarrel about with them. They offer useful correctives or supplements to my argument. On the question of the scope of the argument – that is, the nations where we can expect convergence in constitutional law – my essay notes one important exception, and Professor Fontana raises a question about another. My essay excepts resource-extracting nations from its scope, largely because such nations do not need to compete with respect to attracting significant numbers of...

[Ryszard Piotrowicz is a Professor of Law at Aberystwyth University] I would like to make three points in relation to the articles by Prof. Hathaway and Dr Gallagher. First, It seems to me that Dr Gallagher effectively refutes the basic argument of Prof. Hathaway, that the developments in trafficking in human beings (THB) have served to distract attention from what is asserted to be the much wider problem of slavery. I do not wish to comment on the core issue of that debate but rather to focus on...

raising the legal and political stakes in advocacy, litigation, and engagement with UN mechanisms. Indonesia’s Response as a form of Torture When evaluated against the CAT’s four-prong criterion, Indonesia’s response to the August 2025 protests undeniably meets the threshold for it to be considered torture.  First, the severity of suffering is unmistakable. The death of 21-year-old Affan Kurniawan, at least eight other confirmed fatalities, and hundreds of reported injuries, including beatings, tear-gassing of university campuses, and the hospitalization of students, demonstrate the grave physical and psychological harm inflicted.  Second, the...

...some substantive responses to his article. First, let me discuss my questions about methodology and calls for clarification. Before being asked to evaluate Tushnet’s claims, I would want to know more clearly precisely which countries he is referencing. He talks about “nations that compete internationally for investment and human capital, with classes of lawyers able to assert some autonomous pressure on a nation’s government.” Does that include China, which surely meets the first criteria, and maybe less so the second criteria? Does that include Colombia, which is better on the...

As regular readers may recall, I am skeptical that the use of chemical weapons, by itself, can justify the use of military force under current international law absent authorization from the U.N. Security Council. Of course, I wouldn’t oppose the use of military force by the U.S. to stop the use of chemical weapons in Syria, I just doubt its legality under international law. More importantly, so does President Obama. Although reports are out suggesting the U.S. is preparing to launch cruise missiles into Syria, President Obama also...