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22 May

Noticing President Obama's big speech tomorrow at the National Defense University on US counterterrorism policy, Commentary Magazine has decided to release today my new essay, "The Case for Drones."  It will appear in the print journal in June, but has been posted with a free, open link on the website now. A couple of caveats for OJ readers, if you're inclined to read it (close relatives of mine have declined on grounds they've heard me on this too much already).  Commentary is a conservative magazine, and this is an argument for drones written with a particular audience in mind - conservative readers and Republican members of Congress in particular.  It's an argument about effectiveness and ethics, not law as such; it's an overtly politically conservative version of the much more centrist, principled, and neutral argument that, for example, Ben Wittes and I sought to make in the Oxford Union debate.  I hope that some folks still might find it useful as a thumbnail sketch in non-technical form of some of the leading arguments, objections, and replies in this debate.
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22 May

Top officials from India and China met in New Delhi in an effort to ease tensions between the two countries, while a "special envoy" from North Korea visited Beijing in an effort to reinstate some diplomatic ties between the two nations. In related news, Japan has been considering restarting diplomatic talks with Pyongyang, with a focus on the abduction of Japanese...

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21 May

In the latest twist on the case, Guatemala's highest court has overturned the May 10th genocide conviction against former dictator Efrain Rios Montt and reset his trial back to when a dispute broke out a month ago over who should hear the case. North Korea has released a Chinese fishing boat after having taken it from waters between the two nations. Pakistan's presumptive prime...

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20 May

[Jonathan Horowitz is writing in his personal capacity. He is the Associate Legal Officer at the Open Society Justice Initiative’s National Security and Counterterrorism Program.] When assessing the legality of drone strikes, attention is often focused on the State that carries out the strike—usually the United States.  On May 8th, for example, the U.S. Congressional Progressive Caucus Peace and Security Taskforce...

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20 May

A senior Pentagon official told a Senate committee last week that the U.S. would be at war with al-Qaeda for 15 to 20 more years and said the military could target terrorists anywhere under the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF) passed in 2001 after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks. After France won some goodwill throughout Mali during the five-month offensive against...

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19 May

[Ingrid Wuerth is Professor of Law and Director of International Legal Studies at Vanderbilt University Law School.]  Yes, this is another post on foreign official immunity, prompted in part by the Fourth Circuit’s decision in Samantar.  It responds to Professor Bill Dodge’s post here and contributes to the growing blog commentary on this topic summarized in my earlier post here.  I am grateful to Opinio Juris for hosting this discussion. In this post, I focus on just one issue.  The Fourth Circuit’s decision in Samantar reasoned that jus cogens violations are not “private acts” but instead can constitute “official conduct” that comes within the scope of foreign official immunity.  Bill disagrees, arguing that conduct violating jus cogens can never be official for immunity purposes, but is instead always private.  Facts on the ground, State practice, and the purposes of immunity all suggest that the Fourth Circuit was correct. As other commentators have emphasized, the perpetrators of human rights abuses do not generally operate privately, but instead “through the position and rank they occupy.”  It is their official position which allows them to “order, instigate, or aid and abet or culpably tolerate or condone such crimes as genocide or crimes against humanity or grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions.”  (Antonio Cassese, at 868).  Thus even for many people who strongly favor accountability in international fora (like the late Professor Cassese), it is hard to view jus cogens as somehow inherently private; one might call this a flies-in-the-face-of-reality argument.  (Dapo Akande & Sangeeta Shah, at 832 (further citation omitted)).  The House of Lords itself – in an opinion directly counter to Bill’s position –rejected the argument that jus cogens violations are not official acts for immunity purposes. Jones v. Saudi Arabia ¶ 19 (Lord Bingham) (“I think it is difficult to accept that torture cannot be a governmental or official act..”) id. at ¶ 85 (rejecting “the argument that torture or some other contravention of a jus cogens cannot attract immunity ratione materiae because it cannot be an official act.”) (Lord Hoffman). What State practice does support the not-official-acts argument? 
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18 May

I want to call readers' attention to a remarkable new report on international criminal justice authored by Daniel McLaughlin, a former legal officer at the ECCC, for Fordham's Leitner Center for International Law & Justice. As the introduction states, the report is an attempt -- a very successful one -- to visualize information about the criminal tribunals: There is wide awareness,...

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18 May

This week on Opinio Juris, Kevin was surprised by an unexpected dissenter in Kenya's request to the Security Council to terminate the ICC's Kenya cases. He also analysed whether the ICC has jurisdiction over Israel's attack on the Mavi Marmara and particularly whether the flotilla attack qualifies as a "situation". He followed up with a post asking why the Comoros are represented...

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16 May

Armenian-American groups are up in arms over the U.S. government's decision to file an amicus brief against a California law allowing claims against insurance companies by "Armenian genocide victims."  But they shouldn't be. The law really involves an ongoing constitutional powers debate between the states and the federal government over foreign affairs, and the U.S. government is siding (not surprisingly)...

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