Search: palestine icc

the fact that some may have been generated for billing, tax or litigation purposes do not have an impact overall on the authenticity of the CDR. […T]hese differences do not necessarily mean that some CDR ‘are more genuine’ or more authentic than others.’ (para. 182). An Updated Lens on the ICC’s Submission Approach to Evidence As a final reflection, the judgment is an encouraging indication of how the ICC’s ‘submission’ approach to evidence, lauded for its convenience, can incorporate the discursive advantages of the admission approach. The submission approach entails...

seems to think the ICC should arrest the LRA leaders, rather than Uganda itself. This is becoming a nearly impossible situation for the ICC. They plainly cannot withdraw the arrest warrants without serious criticism among their key supporters. But the ICC does not have the ability to actually arrest the wanted LRA leaders (indeed, this is why the Ugandan government is offering peace talks in the first place). Nor can the ICC grant amnesty and assure the LRA that they will never be subject to future arrests. What a mess!...

...treaty, and, perhaps unsurprisingly, one dominated by ICC States Parties. Only Rwanda is non-states party to the ICC. This largely mirrors the diplomatic negotiations that led to the adoption of the Convention. In May 2023, of the 80 Supporting States, more than half were European. There were none from the Middle East and only three from Asia. The MLA Initiative was dominated by ICC States Parties throughout; only 7 of the Supporting States were non-States Parties. So far, it has been difficult to attract support beyond Europe.  Reservations Possibilities for...

...to be subjected to DDR, demobilization, disarmament, and then reintegrate, that would mean that they would come out of the bush and come to Uganda, and then Uganda will now be in the position to get them. And we will have no problem in subjecting them through our judicial system. ICC was created to fight impunity, and therefore the High Court of Uganda can exactly do that,” she said. But Uganda cannot recall its original referral. The decision to withdraw the ICC arrest warrants is for the ICC, not Uganda....

yet offers a number of useful tidbits of information about Saif’s attitude toward the ICC: 33. [Redacted]. The details of ICC proceedings therefore appeared irrelevant to him, as his primary concern is his security in Libya. He would, however, prefer to be under the custody of the ICC in The Hague, rather than being detained in the current conditions, or transferred to Tripoli. 34. It is not correct that he informed the Libyan authorities that he did not wish to meet with any officials from the ICC. 35. Mr. Gaddafi...

determine the criminal responsibility of persons of interest to the OTP in order to prevent ICC intervention. Furthermore, such inquiries must sufficiently mirror the case under investigation in The Hague. This means that there must be a considerable overlap between the incidents being investigated at the international and domestic levels. Failure to meet such stringent requirements, which Heller (2016) has long viewed as contrary to the rationale of complementarity, would allow the ICC to enter a finding of admissibility. Thus, the Court could exercise its jurisdiction in lieu of national...

Eugene Kontorovich argues today at Volokh Conspiracy that Israel could minimize the likelihood of an ICC investigation into its transfer of Israeli civilians into the West Bank by emphasizing Turkey’s similar transfer of Turkish civilians into Northern Cyprus, which it has been illegally occupying for more than four decades. Here are the key paragraphs: Cyprus was a state with clear borders when Turkey invaded in 1974, and is a charter member of the ICC. If anyone should be loosing sleep over settlements suits in the ICC, it would be Turkey....

and human rights advocates who consistently overstated the benefits of international criminal tribunals without serious efforts to offer evidence of these benefits. Sadly, the ICC’s arrest warrant against Sudan’s leaders demonstrates our point. At least in the short-term, the ICC’s action is going to worsen the humanitarian crisis rather than improve it. And it will make a peace agreement harder to reach, extending the conflict. Professor Tom Ginsburg of University of Chicago calls this the ICC’s “make or break” moment. I’m not so sure about that, but it is true...

[Dr. Sigurd D’hondt is an Associate Professor at the Department of Language and Communication Studies, University of Jyväskylä (Finland). Dr. Juan-Pablo Peréz-León-Acevedo and Dr. Fabio Ferraz-de-Almeida are researchers associated with the project reported on here, and Elena Barrett is a PhD candidate at the department.] Introduction On 4 February 2021, Trial Chamber IX (TC-IX) of the International Criminal Court (ICC) convicted Dominic Ongwen of 61 charges corresponding to crimes against humanity and war crimes, by far the largest number in the ICC’s history. On 6 May 2021, he was sentenced...

As I have noted before, human-rights groups have consistently and justifiably criticized the ICTR for failing to take seriously the systematic sexual violence committed against women during the 1994 genocide. Similar criticisms are now being leveled at the ICC regarding its investigation of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Congolese activists have launched an appeal at the International Criminal Court (ICC) to prosecute those in their country who use rape as a weapon of war. “Why does the ICC judge (militia chief) Thomas Lubanga for enrolment of child...

...extent to which local judges and chambers could/should be used if the ICC were move to a place such as Libya. The ICC wasn't set up to be a hybrid tribunal, but having local judges would essentially transform the Court into a temporary hybrid tribunal, no? If this is what is being suggested (I gather as much from your article as well as Kaye's post), then why not simply argue that the ICC should have the ability to transform into a hybrid tribunal when appropriate, or something to that effect?...

its investigation into Myanmar on the crime of forced displacement, is the ICC opening the doors to an examination of various states’ immigration policies? (Almost certainly, Myanmar will argue that the Rohingya are not lawfully present in Myanmar—most Rohingya having had their citizenship stripped through a series of prejudicial citizenship laws—thereby requiring a future ICC inquiry into Myanmar’s domestic citizenship laws.) While immigration is an area historically relegated to the sovereignty of individual states, perhaps the ICC is signaling that even abusive immigration practices are not safe from international accountability....