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different problems, and the role of the ICC and other international organizations is probably not on the top of the list. But it is far from trivial if Iraq signs the ICC treaty, since it will be exposing both U.S. and its own military forces (currently engaged in a desparate anti-insurgent struggle) to oversight by the ICC. This may or may not be a good thing depending on one’s faith in the judgment of the ICC, but it is certainly a rather large and dangerous step for Iraq’s interim government....

[Sara Kendall is a Senior Lecturer in International Law at The University of Kent in the Faculty of Law. She is also Co-Director of The Centre for Critical International Law.] In early March 2020, the US Secretary of State Michael Pompeo gave a press briefing concerning the ICC Appeals Chamber’s decision on Afghanistan. As is widely known by Opinio Juris’s readership, the ICC’s prosecutor aimed to investigate alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity on the territory of Afghanistan as well as other crimes linked to the situation, which could...

...apparent than in Clarke’s comparison of the ICC and the African Court. The ICC is not, in Clarke’s account, a-political but it appears to many as a “corruption of justice” (173) because it does not seek to identify and redress the deep conditions of violence in Africa. Indeed the politics of the ICC are politics in the derogatory sense: the ICC represents political interests of the global north, holding African but not European leaders accountable for violence and thereby undermining African political and economic self-determination (170). This is the so-called...

these two questions, highlighting important issues with the Court’s reasoning behind its abstention from imposing a life sentence in this case. Through this, it attempts to shed much-needed light on the considerations that underlie the ICC’s sentencing of convicts. Analysing the Sentence The ICC has a difficult role in functioning as a victim-centric Court, while attempting to balance this against the rights of convicts. As the Court noted in Ongwen’s sentencing, while victims should be heard, ‘revenge’ should not guide judicial decision-making. Article 78(1) of the Rome Statute requires it...

...he return to the country. The judgment of the Kenyan Court of Appeal is of regional and international significance in the face of increasing threats of collective withdrawal of African countries from the ICC. Most particularly, after failing to arrest al-Bashir on a visit to South Africa in 2015, the South African government appears to be charging ahead with its intention to withdraw from the ICC by proposing the enactment of woefully inadequate domestic legislation. As a decisive statement by an African court this judgment will be useful for human...

...obtainable. Such double-standards are anathema to the functioning of a judicial institution. Facing the challenges ahead No one believes the Afghanistan investigation will be easy.  It will be complex, remote from The Hague, costly, and could result in adverse political repercussions by those who do not want to see the investigation proceed.  The Appeals Chamber, however is sending an important signal that the ICC should not be dissuaded from carrying out its mandate even in such circumstances. The ICC States Parties must now ensure that the Prosecutor has sufficient funding...

The story coming out of Uganda bears emphasis for its impact on the ICC doctrine of complementarity. Under Article 17 of the Rome Statute, “the Court shall determine that a case is inadmissible where … [t]he case is being investigated or prosecuted by a State which has jurisdiction over it, unless the State is unwilling or unable genuinely to carry out the investigation or prosecution.” The ICC website indicates that “the International Criminal Court will complement national courts so that they retain jurisdiction to try genocide, crimes against humanity and...

implications, particularly on issues of burden and standard of proof. The ICC has not produced significant jurisprudence on these issues in its first eleven years of existence. Decisions on issues of complementarity have focused on the technical interpretation of statutory provisions, usually in challenges brought by defendants. To a large extent, this is the result of the prevalence of “self-referrals” in those situations which have been brought to the Court, meaning that the relevant states have not sought challenge the prosecutions brought in the ICC. In the few non-self-referred situations...

As I sip my half pint of Weiznenbier “Edelweiss” here at Cafe Leopold in Vienna, I thought I would blog a few short posts using the cafe’s free WLAN: Representatives from North Uganda visited the Hague last week to ask the ICC to hold off on arrest warrants for leaders of the Lords’ Resistance Army. As I have noted before, the Uganda situation presents the ICC with an important first test of its political (rather than legal) judgment. Should the ICC issue arrest warrants here? Or should it hold back...

...from the specter of colonialism, the pervasive fear of double-standards to the detriment of Africans and what Mutua Makau famously calls the metaphor of “savages, victims and saviors”? After all, we should not forget that many will view the Lubanga judgment as confirmation that, to cite Rwandan President Paul Kagame, the ICC is “a new form of imperialism created by the West to control the world’s poorest countries.” This, in my view, is clearly over-stated, but it is hard to turn a blind eye to some facets of the ICC’s...

[Emma Irving is an Assistant Professor of Public International Law at the Grotius Centre for International Legal Studies of Leiden University] The ICC’s most recent arrest warrant, issued on the 15th August 2017, should have us all talking for one important reason: it is the first ICC arrest warrant to be based largely on evidence collected from social media. This was a move that was bound to come, and it aligns the ICC with the realities of many of today’s conflicts. The ICC arrest warrant in question was issued against...

...for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by government officials and Janjaweed members, it has made no genuine effort to investigate — much less discipline or prosecute –any of the individuals responsible. Instead, it has created a facade of accountability through sham prosecutions and created ad hoc government committees that produce nothing. This development raises a couple of interesting questions. First, what is the standard under the Rome Statute of the ICC for “complimentarity,” the requirement that the ICC only prosecute cases where the state with primary jurisdiction is...