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[Jennifer Trahan is a Clinical Professor at the NYU Center for Global Affairs and Megan Fairlie is a Professor of Law at Florida International University School of Law.] On March 15, 2019, U.S. Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo announced plans to implement a travel ban against International Criminal Court (“ICC”) officials working on the Afghanistan situation. The ban specifically will revoke visas from ICC personnel and staff who are “directly responsible for any ICC investigation of U.S. personnel.” This includes persons who “take or have taken action to request...

of the ICC until then – which is of course an absurd lie, considering the primacy that ICC policy played in his first government. Of course, it is highly unlikely that Brazilian democratic institutions, including the Supreme Court, the Attorney General and the Office of the Prosecutor, would stay silent on the occasion of Putin’s visit. They already haven’t in the past. When the ICC requested Brazil’s cooperation in bringing Sudan’s President, Omar al-Bashir, to justice, Brazil’s Supreme Court issued a 19-page dispatch detailing Brazil’s obligations and challenges with regard...

by impunity, it is of concern that the ICC system has facilitated 6 years of repeated litigation regarding the matter. The recent Appeal judgment is particularly perplexing when considered alongside the ICC decision in Afghanistan. As recently as April this year, the PTC expressed concern that any official investigation into Afghanistan would ultimately be unsuccessful due to the passage of time, political changes on the ground and the Court’s limited resources (paras 91-96). It is notable that the PTC reached this decision even though the Court concluded that there was...

ICC. However, again, I would like to point to the context in which the ICC operates in order to provide insight into how this may have developed and to reiterate that creating a system of tenure for staff may not be the correct prescription in order to cure this malady. It is my personal view that creating a system of fixed term limits for staff will likely not only lead to increased instability in the job market, but it will undercut staff morale and actually trust in the system and...

...was convicted of forced pregnancy based on evidence that he impregnated two women by raping them and then unlawfully confined them with the intent of carrying out ‘other grave violations of international law’, namely, to continue subjecting them to rape and other Rome Statute crimes.  Negotiating the ICC Elements of Crimes During the negotiations for the ICC Elements of Crimes (providing detailed guidance on Rome Statute crimes), negotiations between 1999 and 2002, the Women’s Caucus advocacy continued.  The Caucus warned against a proposal by eleven states stipulating that the inclusion...

[Alexandre Skander Galand is a Newton Postdoctoral Researcher at the Center for Global Public Law, Koç University; Ph.D. in Law (EUI).] In a post published in September 2015, I asked whether the International Criminal Court (ICC) was in need of support to clarify the status of Heads of States’ immunities. My post followed the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber II (PTC II) request for submissions from the Republic of South Africa (RSA) with regards to the stay in its territory of the Head of State of Sudan, Omar Al-Bashir, on June 14-17,...

short hand for the ICC’s Afghanistan and Palestine situations. On 2 September, 2020, then Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, exercised this power to designate Prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda and Phakiso Mochochoko, head of the ICC’s Jurisdiction, Complementarity and Co-operation Division (JCCD), making them ineligible for entry clearance into the United States. The designation also froze any assets they may have had in the country and barred them from holding any assets in the US currency. The Trump administration equally threatened similar sanctions on anyone who had any contact or collaboration with...

criminal justice. At the same time, Bosco is perfectly happy himself to avoid grappling with possible positive consequences, such as his own possibility that the fighting would have been worse in Libya but for the ICC investigation. I have no idea whether Gaddafi’s atrocities would be worse without the ICC. But I do know that the ICC’s investigation has had some actual positive consequences, in contrast to Bosco’s possible negative ones. I’ll give Juan Cole the last word: Libyan Oil Minister Shukri Ghanem has defected from the Qaddafi regime and...

is very unlikely to receive a longer sentence from the ICC than she has already received from Cote d’Ivoire? My answer is simple: the ICC would gain nothing, so it shouldn’t. As I have argued at length in my essay “A Sentence-Based Theory of Complementarity,” the ICC simply cannot afford the kind of hyper-formalism that underlies both the “same conduct” requirement and Art. 20(3). In my view, the Court should defer to any national prosecution that results (or any national investigation is likely to result) in a sentence equal to...

...Trump declared a national emergency and established a sanctions program regarding the International Criminal Court (ICC). A number of commentators have lucidly explained why this move is self-defeating and generally objectionable in regards to American principles and interests. But fewer pixels (but not none, see in particular this excellent piece by Adam Smith) have been darkened with an explanation of the mechanism through which Trump is implementing these sanctions. This information could be more than a curiosity to persons working for and with the ICC, who might be wondering if...

...in light of the ICC’s history), that it is the Security Council that possesses the greatest ability to safeguard the ICC’s integrity. Where the Security Council affirmatively refers a case to the ICC (as it has done with respect to Darfur), the referral should create a strong presumption in favor of prosecution and against deference to domestic efforts. Where, on the other hand, the Council acts to block an ICC proceeding in favor of domestic efforts, its doing so will shield the ICC from the difficulty of having to face...

with criminally-minded warlords. And that is a good thing. But unless his arrest somehow disrupts the peace process, it’s difficult to overlook the fact that this was essentially costless PR for the Congolese government: they not only purged a recruit who was causing international controversy, they appeared — thanks to sloppy reporting by the ICC — to be so committed to cooperating with the ICC that they would even turn over one of their own. Nothing, of course, is further from the truth. And I imagine the ICC knows it....