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...another court. The Court has used a ‘substantially the same conduct’ test, which means that the domestic authorities and the ICC are prosecuting the ‘same conduct’ where there is substantial overlap between the incidents investigated by the domestic authorities and the ICC or where the investigation by the domestic authorities covers the crux of the ICC’s case or the most serious aspects thereof (Gaddafi, Appeals Chamber, para 72). Gaddafi’s admissibility challenge raises the question of whether the ‘substantially the same conduct’ test also applies to ne bis in idem in...

in 2004, the UN Commission of Inquiry found over one million people who had been internally displaced by the fighting, a further 200,000 who had fled across the border to Chad, and several hundred destroyed and burned villages throughout Darfur. In 2005, the UN Security Council referred the situation in Sudan to the ICC. Thus began the ICC’s toxic relationship with Sudan, which until recently refused entry to ICC investigators, despite being legally obligated to cooperate with the Court in accordance with the Security Council resolution. Moreno Ocampo initiated cases...

to a “declaration of war.” Beyond these political and military pressures, certain trade dependencies and sanctions may also lead States to take fright at potential economic fallout.   A Rock and a Hard Place? These considerations illuminate the lack of adequate tools that the ICC maintains to ensure and promote cooperation among its State Parties. As of now, the ICC has issued 38 arrest warrants for persons allegedly implicated in the commission of grave international crimes. Of these 38, 21 individuals have been arrested and transferred to ICC custody. These numbers...

States in terms of penal repression. It is only in the tenth paragraph that the ICC is even mentioned – as a complement to this existing accountability framework. The Preamble tells us that that the ICC is not set up to displace the system, but to add to it, to supplement it, to complement it. So important is this theme that it appears in the very first substantive provision of the Statute. So we become used to the idea, at the outset, that the primary goal of the Statute is...

to perform its responsibilities, and will ultimately delay the course of justice. It is important that both CAR and MINUSCA work actively towards ensuring persons of interest wanted by the Court, and for whom arrest warrants have been issued, are immediately arrested.  Need to Strengthen Cooperation with the ICC The OTP’s announcement concluding investigation in CAR reiterated the need for the ICC to deepen cooperation with the SCC. While the SCC and ICC have signed a memorandum of understanding to promote cooperation, in reality it appears that the two courts...

will have a deterrent effect on the rebels, perhaps. Yet Islamist rebels — in contrast to government officials and military officers — seem unlikely to be deterred by the threat of ICC involvement. But if there is no deterrent effect, there is no reason for the ICC to get involved in the conflict, at least at this point. Doing so will just add to the list of situations in which the ICC is effectively powerless to operate. That’s the last thing the Court needs. Mali can handle prosecutions itself. According...

...on punishment at the ICC and its underlying assumptions. A dominant retributive account of punishment tends to justify penal severity as the main avenue for justice, thereby neglecting fundamental questions on the limits and implications of long-term imprisonment. This post is divided in two parts: the first addresses the uncertainties in the ICC sentencing process; the second expands the discussion to consider how commitments to penal severity inhibit fresh thinking about justice for mass atrocities.  2.  Uncertainties in the ICC sentencing process  The ICC sentencing process is characterised by ambiguity and...

though it is unclear whether they are at the hands of the ICC or the Dutch government – see here and here. It is as yet unclear whether ICC OTP officials have had opportunity to question the soldiers. Whither the ICJ and ICC proceedings? With cases in full swing before the ICJ and ICC, it is worth examining the legal implications of this crucial development. It is rare that more than one set of international proceedings concerning the same subject matter are conducted parallel to one another. The scope of...

...and create the ICC was of a court that could hold even the most powerful people to account. It was a vision of a court that could move beyond the (also essential) role of the ad hoc tribunals acting within an authority dependent on the UN Security Council and big-power politics. It was the prospect of a global court that could tackle entrenched impunity in the face of power and politics that led to the adoption of the ICC treaty in Rome in 1998.  The ICC has yet to fully...

Even so, the Prosecutor could not lay charges for the crime of aggression with regard to the issue of South Ossetia due to the non-retroactive nature of the Court’s jurisdiction. The ICC´s decision to open an investigation in Georgia is significant because it is the first investigation into a situation outside the African continent. The ICC focus on Africa has led to accusations that the Court has been biased. However, a majority of ICC investigations have been opened at the request of African governments, even if these investigations can be...

of affairs in Gaza? I would assume that if the ICC prosecutor launched a formal probe against Israeli officials, and it went into a formal trial phase, the Israeli defense may mention this among its arguments. "If they are part of the illegal situation that Comoros or Palestine have referred to the Court, then the Prosecutor should follow the facts and evidence where they lead, and indict those who are responsible. A tu quoque argument would not preclude investigation or prosecution of Israeli officials." It would if the ICC is...

Ngudjolo provided details as to his position in the militia hierarchy. The Dutch authorities then used this information, combined with other reports about the conflict, to invoke Article 1F. For reasons that the ICC has kept confidential, Ngudjolo was also excluded from ICC witness protection. He was therefore stuck in a lose-lose situation: give evidence in his own defence but have nowhere to go if acquitted, or do not give evidence and increase the chance of conviction. Then there was the inaction on the part of the ICC. The dilemma...